African Independent Churches (AICs) are part of the prominent actors in African Christianity. According to Ayantayo, African Christianity refers to Christian practices without necessarily deviating from the basic Christian beliefs and practices (Ayantayo & Ayantayo 2019:35). African Initiated Churches bring about the contextualisation of Christian faith within the African cultural milieu by purifying the Christian faith from European conceptualisations and imperialistic notions. A consultative forum under the auspices of the World Council of Churches at Kitwe in 1962 highlighted the hallmark of classification of AICs as (1) emphasis on the work of the Holy Spirit, (2) reference to various revelations and healing and (3) a high level of contextualisation reflective of the lived experiences of the host context.

African Independent Churches are generally known as Aladura churches (praying ones) among the Yorubas due to their intense fervour for prayers. Aiyegboyin noted that they ‘are also called Ijo Emi (Church of the Spirit) (Yoruba) and Ishoshi errhi (Church of the Spirit) (Urhobo) due to their emphasis on pneuma’ (Aiyegboyin 2017:243). Despite the generic classification of Aladura churches, they are quite diverse in their ethos, doctrine, ecclesiastical rites and religious idiosyncrasies. However, some of the beliefs and practices of Aladura churches in South West Nigeria resonates within the Pentecostal and Charismatic traditions such as belief in dreams, visons, prophecy, divine healing, use of sacred objects and symbolic objects such as water, olive oil and candle, among others (Akindolie 2018:243).

Previous scholarship posits that Aladura churches are a brand of Christian formation that has considerable elements of Yoruba traditional religion (Wilson 2014:1). Wilson argues further that Aladura churches constitute a group of indigenous Churches that creatively integrated both biblical and African traditions to develop their unique faith traditions (Wilson 2014:1). Today, there are different major and minor strands of Independent Aladura churches in the world. Although, Turner refers to these churches as the earliest form of Pentecostal Christianity in Nigeria, the groups preferred to be called ‘spiritual or praying churches’ (Turner 1967:79). The hydrotherapy (use of water prayed on), which Sophia Odunlami proffered as divine solution to the outbreak of influenza has become a marked feature of Aladura healing practice. The churches that are often classified as Aladura are the CAC, Cherubim and Seraphim (C&S), Church of the Lord Aladura (CLA) and the CCC. These churches began to emerge from the second decade of the 20th century as a result of the charismatic activities of a number of individuals. They include Pastor Ayo Babalola, St. Moses Orimolade, Pastor Josiah Oshitelu, Pastor Samuel Bilewu Oshoffa, Sofia Odunlami, Captain Abiodun Akinsowon, among others (Jegede 2019:265).

The Aladura churches rapidly expanded throughout Yorubaland during a revival movement in the 1930s, becoming an important feature of western Nigerian society. Joseph Ayo Babalola (1959), a Yoruba Anglican and public work employee, had a series of visions that brought him to the Precious Stone Society. He went on to become a General Evangelist in the CAC, what would become Nigeria’s largest Aladura church. He emphasised using ‘water of life’ (blessed water) in healing rituals. Other important church leaders in that period were Josiah Olunowo Ositelu of CLA, Moses Orimolade Tunolase of C&S and Samuel Bilewu Oshoffa of the CCC. The membership of Aladura churches is mostly Yoruba in South West Nigeria. Adedibu (2018a) posits that:

In view of the demographical spread of Aladura churches in South West Nigeria, this study was conducted to have a broad representation of the responses of the Aladura churches to COVID-19. The following section highlights the nexus between healing and religion discourse qualitatively.

Religion, medicine, and healthcare are related in one way or another in all population groups historically (Koeing, King & Carson 2012:15–34). Some scholars indicate the various explorations of the nexus between healing and religion since the early 2000s (Levin 2009:125–145; Pargament & Saunders 2007:903–907; Sedikides 2010:3–10). However, despite the renewed interest in the nexus between religion and health by academics and religious practitioners, the non-inclusion of religion in healthcare is still apparent, even though there is empirical evidence of a positive correlation between religion and health (Shiah & Chang et al. 2015:36). Historically, it has been observed that there exists a synergy between religion, medicine and health (Koenig 2012). The history of medicine and religion is quite novel and interesting as Koenig (2012) states that the:

This perspective resonates in many African countries particularly Nigeria. For instance, the Foreign Mission Board of Southern Baptist Convention, United States of America initiated and sustained a medical mission to Ogbomoso, Nigeria through Dr George Green and his wife Lydia who arrived in Ogbomoso from the United States of America on 18 March 1907. Barely 24 hours after the arrival of Dr Green and his wife, a young girl who had a crooked leg was brought to the couple for surgery. The success of Dr Green’s surgery became a turning point in the medical mission in Ogbomoso and also led to the establishment of Baptist Church in the land. The Medical Centre that evolved afterwards has now transitioned to Bowen University Teaching Hospital in 2009.

Over the years, there has been increasing body of knowledge with respect to the nexus between religiosity and health, although these studies have not produced uniformed results. But they indicate the correlation between physical and mental health which varies depending on various parameters (Oman 2018:165–173). Moreover, epidemiological studies have shown that religiosity is associated with better health outcomes (Koeing et al. 2012:15–34). However, some studies conducted in the United Kingdom have revealed that religious and spiritual beliefs do not have a positive correlation with physical health outcomes (King & Speck et al. 1999:1291–1299). Across various cultural frontiers, religious communities have always taken care of members of the community who are economically disadvantaged and unable to access health services (Llyod, Haussman & James 2019:31). Religious organisations in Africa have played a pivotal role in the fight against infectious diseases in Africa and other parts of the world (Oman & Riley 2018:157–158) For instance, the HIV and AIDS epidemic in Africa was unprecedented. However, Adogame (2006:475) noted that the Redeemed Christian Church of God, a Nigerian neo-Pentecostal denomination which has a transnational network of churches in the West, was actively involved in the health advocacy on HIV and AIDS. Adogame (2016) further noted that:

The emphasis on morality and doctrinal persuasion of AICs such as avoidance of pre-marital sex, marital fidelity, avoidance of drug abuse, abstinence from alcohol consumption and non-smoking, promotes a health-conscious culture (Holt, Clark & Roth 2014:313; Oman & Riley 2018:156–157).

Some religious adherents have been observed to hold wrong perceptions and attitudes towards certain diseases like HIV, AIDS and Ebola. They believe that these diseases are caused by forces of witchcraft or demons and should be dealt with spiritually through exorcism or prayers, rather than using medical treatment (Oduyemi, Aiyegboin & Salami 2016:294). These types of erroneous perceptions have led to the stigmatisation of people who are suffering from such diseases and prevented them from seeking medical treatment. A typical example is Ebola disease. Nigeria was declared Ebola free in July 2014 with only 20 people infected but:

The unscientific explanation of diseases due to religious biases is worrisome and may constitute a public health challenge in the management of such a disease which potentially might be fatal to the person and the community at large. Some Nigerian Church leaders spiritualise COVID-19 which resonates in other African church leaders in countries like Tanzania and Zimbabwe. This has negatively impacted the fight against the pandemic in those countries (Kirby, Josiah & Chimbidzikai 2020). Likewise, some religious organisations like Jehovah Witnesses proscribed certain medical interventions based on their religious beliefs and faith which can be fatal to the life of such an adherent. Jehovah’s Witnesses do not allow blood transfusion which constitute not only medical but also legal and ethical challenges to healthcare providers (Chand, Subramanya & Rao 2014:658–664). The responses of Aladura churches are highlighted below.

The Nigerian government seems proactive with the establishment of the Coronavirus Preparedness Group on 31 January 2020, with active collaboration of NCDC to curb the ‘invisible enemy’ of COVID-19 that is causing devastating effects on humans (Ifijeh 2020). The proactive disposition of AICs must be understood in the light of near collapse of the country’s social, educational and health infrastructures. Adedibu in (Wild-Wood, Grant et al. 2021:68) quoting Ezigbo traced the emergence of COVID-19 in Nigeria by noting that on 31 January 2020:

The lack of involvement of the private and faith sectors by the Nigeria government was criticised by faith leaders as noted by Adedibu (2021), which was later addressed by the government which solicited for their involvement to tackle the challenges of COVID-19 in the country (Adedibu in Wild-Wood, Grant et al. 2021:68).

The growth of various Christian traditions in Nigeria, particularly South West Nigeria, has not only changed the religious landscape, but also raises questions with respect to the reasons for the exponential growth of the AIC movement. Despite the exponential growth of the AIC movement, one of the motors for the growth is the claim of AICs like the Pentecostal movement in the remaking or modelling of individuals and claims of holistic healing in all facets of an individual life (Ukah 2020:431). Interestingly, AICs’ claim of faith healing either through bodily or physiological processes are well enshrined in the African indigenous religious economy (Peprah et al. 2018). The emergence of COVID-19 and its attendant complexities in relation to its virulent nature, particularly to people with underlying health conditions, and the lack of a known cure before the discovery of COVID-19 vaccines in December 2020, opens up vistas of opportunity to explore the impact of the disease on the social dynamics and solidarity of AICs in the light of claims of healings and holistic well-being in their theologies. This is further compounded by bleak econometric forecasts on the impact of COVID-19 on the economy of Africa, including Nigeria (Morsy, Balma & Mukasa 2020:24). Intriguingly, scholars of religion noted the use of hydrotherapy and claims of healing within AICs particularly provides an enabling environment for AICs to authenticate their holistic claims with the COVID-19 pandemic.

Interestingly, while many AIC’s ministers and laity claims of healing of diverse health challenges prior to COVID-19, many of such claims of holistic well-being was non-existent as pastoral care and praxis changed due to the infectious nature of COVID-19. However, the near-death experience of a medical doctor Doyin, a member of the CLA is a point of reference. According to Chief Dr Doyin Okupe and his wife, Aduralere tested positive for COVID-19 on 23 April 2020. He explained in his testimony to the congregants that:

From the foregoing, there is no explanation for the healing experience of Doyin above. The role of faith and prayer is pivotal in the religious subscriptions of AICs members on the doctrine of divine healing. Since ancient times, Christians have always responded to social concerns such as epidemics, but this study situates this discourse within the AIC’s tradition in the light of the physically unseen ‘invisible enemy’ of COVID-19 (David 2017:108–169; Patterson 1983:483–502).

Responding to health challenges and social concerns is not new in its entirety to pneumatic movements like AICs in Nigeria (Adedibu 2020:136). The AICs surveyed in this study (CCC, CAC, Cherubim and Seraphim and The Church of the Lord Prayer Fellowship) Worldwide Aladura all complied with the Federal Government lockdown of the country to minimise social, economic and occupational mobility to reduce the spread of COVID-19 among Nigerians. According to Egunlae ([Celestial Church of Christ] pers. comm., 10 October 2020):

Likewise, Adebisi ([Celestial Church of Christ] pers. comm., 10 October 2020), a member of TCLPW corroborated Egunlae’s perspective and stated that the leadership of the denomination adhered strictly with the prescribed government protocols on COVID-19. But, he was of the opinion that the fear of the disease kept many away from church after the lockdown was reviewed by the government. The inability of members of AIC to attend services limited their spiritual activities and association with one another. This further hampered their ability to observe certain religious rituals at designated sacred sites (Abe Abo meaning ‘sanctuary of safety’) outside the sanctuary or in rivers or flowing streams. Nevertheless, this constitutes a major rupture in the ritual praxis of the CCC, TCLPW and C&S.

The appropriation of media technologies and social media is a shift in paradigm in the ecclesiastical practice which was synonymous with worship restricted within a sacred space among AICS generally. Moreover, due to the economic meltdown of many AICs, a majority of them were not able to appropriate media technologies at their local churches. But their members were encouraged to join the national headquarters of these churches on their social media handles for Sunday and weekly services worship (Adebisi [Celestial Church of Christ] pers. comm., 10 October 2020; Lawal 2020; Ogunsola 2020; Osodi 2020; Olufade [Cherubim and Seraphim Church] pers. comm., 24 October 2020; Oyenuga [Church of the Prayer Fellowship Worldwide] pers. comm., 18 October 2020). The obvious implication of this development was that the ecclesiastical hierarchy of these churches were recognised due to their charisma and pastoral duties on a weekly basis which every member of the denominations had to listen to due to COVID-19 protocols. The use of social media and technologies was pivotal to the recruitment and sustenance of the members of AICs during the COVID-19 lockdown in Nigeria. Unlike many Pentecostal churches in Nigeria who effectively leverage media platforms to advance their religious interests, AICs suffer from not prioritising media engagements in a manner especially noticeable during the COVID-19 pandemic (Adedibu 2015:1–21).

Furthermore, AICs’ degree of appropriation of media technologies and use of social media cannot be compared with some Nigerian Pentecostal churches. For instance, the late Nigerian televangelist, Prophet Temitope Joshua who is the founder of Synagogue Church of All Nations headquarters in Ikotun, Lagos state, Nigeria had over 1.8 million subscribers across the globe on April 2021 before his account was suspended due to his claim over homosexual conversion therapies (Augoye 2021). The media representations of AICs on social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram and YouTube are not heavily subscribed like Pentecostals who have developed various apps integrated with various merchandising of their ministry products on sale on their websites (Augoye 2021). A typical example is the late Prophet T.B. Joshua who had over 3.5 million Facebook followers (Augoye 2021).

Because of the economic meltdown of the country and the subsequent financial crisis of most members of AICs, the leaders of CCC, CAC, Cherubim and Seraphim and The Church of the Lord (Prayer Fellowship) Worldwide initiated and sustained free supply of food and basic household goods to their members (Adeoye [Christ Apostolic Church] pers. comm., 12 September 2020; Afolabi [Christ Apostolic Church] pers. comm., 12 September 2020; Gbogboade [Church of the Lord Prayer and Fellowship Worldwide] pers. comm., 20 September 2020; Samuel, pers. comm., 12 September 2020). This was complemented by other humanitarian activities of various corporate organisations who donated foods, beverages, hand sanitizers, face masks, toiletries and basic hygiene products to people in various communities across Nigeria. These efforts helped to alleviate the adverse effects of the economic meltdown among the populace who were already faced with the debilitating effects of lack of financial income and food shortage. It is quite interesting to note that the social responsiveness of AIC churches might not be operating at the scale of some Nigerian Pentecostal and Charismatic churches nor mainline churches, but it complemented the relief initiatives to their members and the larger communities.

The most significant response of AICs to the public health challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic was their commitment to comply with the Public Health protocols of the NCDC (Adebisi [Celestial Church of Christ] pers. comm., 10 October 2020; Adeoye [Christ Apostolic Church] pers. comm., 12 September 2020; Afolabi [Christ Apostolic Church] pers. comm., 12 September 2020). The AICs provided public health information through their social media platforms, sermonettes, Facebook pages and reminded people on the need to be compliant to the COVID-19 public health protocols which include the use of face masks, keeping a distance of at least two metres apart, washing of hands regularly with soap and running water, and avoidance of handshakes. This development negates the conviviality and communal orientation of religious solidarity prevalent among African religious institutions like AICs. However, Adegbeno (2021) stated that C&S leaders stressed on the urgency to adopt precautionary measures outlined above and sent vital reminders via the social media platforms of these church like WhatsApp. Moreover, the weekly briefing by the Presidential Task Force on COVID-19 provides empirical information on deaths, new infection statistics and discharged patients of COVID-19, which are equally sent to the members to inform them about the realities of the pandemic, thus necessitating behavioural changes. African Independent Churches’ leadership through their sermons emphasised the importance of obeying COVID-19 protocols. Thus, the AICs’ collaboration with governmental agencies and compliance with the Federal Government of Nigeria directive of the total lockdown of the economy of the country contributed to halting the spread of COVID-19 in the country. Daily press briefings of COVID-19 infections by the NCDC underscore the severity of the disease as well as the high probability that an individual infected with COVID-19 might not survive due to the underdeveloped state of healthcare delivery in Nigeria. The gradual de-escalation of total lockdown in Nigeria which was carried out in phases requiring various compliance with COVID-19 protocol as places of worship including limiting numbers of attendees to 20 with seating distances of two metres apart or not more than 50 individuals including cancelling of night vigils. Kolawole ([Christ Apostolic Church] pers. comm., 12 September 2020) opines that this affected the church membership attendance and also negatively impacted the financial income of most churches. It is apt to note that some Pentecostal church leaders berated the action of the Nigerian government (Krippahl 2020) as an attempt to cripple the religious economy particularly Christianity, but AICs were circumspect and complied with the policy of the Nigerian government, although they had limited fiscal resources which are incomparable with many Neo-Pentecostal churches in Nigeria.