Abstract
Norms of corrupt political elites in Nigeria that portray politics as a ‘dirty game’ and an ideal politician as a corrupt person are shown to negatively affect the participation of Christians in partisan politics in Nigeria. Through the discourse analysis method, the study reflects on some of the factors responsible for political apathy among Christians, as they continue to pose challenges to the political opportunities for Christians. Thus, this study examines complexities surrounding political apathy in the lives of Christians through the lens of a discourse analysis to uncover factors responsible for the phenomenon. Findings suggest that the political culture of the use of violence, pervasive corruption within political systems, negative perception of politics, belief systems and insufficient political education discourage active participation, which undermines the democratic process, leading many Christians to disengage from Nigerian politics. The article explores the roles the Church can play in addressing irregularities, violence and corruption in Nigeria’s electoral process and improving Christian political participation.
Contribution: The study examines the impact of corruption and violence on Christian participation in Nigerian politics and concluded that by addressing these issues through Church involvement, robust anti-corruption measures, electoral reforms, political education, enhanced security and initiatives to foster national unity, Nigeria can begin to build a more transparent, inclusive and good democratic political system.
Keywords: Christians; corruption; politics; political culture; violence.
Introduction
Politics and religion are two distinct institutions that play essential roles in the moral and economic development of society. In an ideal democratic setting, both institutions contribute to national stability, social welfare and ethical governance. However, in Nigeria, the pervasive corruption and violence associated with the political sphere have significantly deterred Christian participation in partisan politics. The political activities are often characterised by electoral fraud, violence and the exploitation of state resources for personal gain (Denis 2020; Iyekekpolo 2020; Seiyefa 2017). These realities have fostered a widespread perception that politics is inherently corrupt, leading many committed Christians to distance themselves from political engagement.
Thus, political elites frequently employ fraudulent practices, coercion and violence to secure and maintain power, as demonstrated in the 2023 general elections, where at least 21 people lost their lives because of electoral violence, thuggery and voter intimidation (Okojie 2023). This persistent subversion of democratic principles has eroded trust in the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the electoral process, reinforcing the belief among Christians that engagement in partisan politics is unrealistic.
Additionally, theological misinterpretations contribute to Christian disengagement from politics. Some Christians erroneously interpret biblical teachings, such as Jesus’ refusal to accept kingship (Jn 6:15), as a directive for believers to abstain from political involvement (Falaye 2016:3; Ituma 2009:34; Tutu 2017:168). This perception has discouraged many from participating in governance, leaving political leadership in the hands of individuals who may lack ethical and moral standards.
The consequences of Christian apathy in politics are far reaching. It has allowed corrupt political elites to dominate governance, perpetuating systemic corruption, violence and policies that undermine national unity and development (Adetoyese 2001:8; Ituma 2009:37; Otite 2021:34). Consequently, the resultant effect is seen in violence targeted at Christian communities as seen in the recurrent attacks on churches and Christian settlements in the Middle Belt and northern regions by extremist groups such as the Fulani militia and Boko Haram (Audu 2021; Ngwoke & Ituma 2020). The absence of Christian representation in political decision-making also results in policies that do not align with Christian ethical values, weakening the influence of Christianity in shaping Nigeria’s moral and socio-political framework (Otite 2021).
Despite efforts by successive governments since the return to democracy in 1999 including the establishment of INEC, deployment of security personnel and enactment of electoral reforms, corruption and violence persist as dominant features of Nigeria’s political landscape. Given these challenges, an important question arises: What roles can Christian bodies and leaders play in addressing the corruption, violence and negative perception of politics that deter Christian participation in Nigerian governance?
This article examines the underlying factors responsible for Christian apathy in Nigerian politics and explores strategies for encouraging Christian engagement in governance. It further discusses how Christian ethical values can be leveraged to combat corruption, promote electoral integrity and enhance moral leadership in Nigeria’s political sphere.
Factors responsible for political apathy among Christians in Nigeria
The factors responsible for political apathy among Christians in Nigeria are numerous and manifest in various forms. Thus, this article will classify them into five groups: the political culture of the use of violence, pervasive corruption within political systems, negative perception of politics, belief systems and insufficient political education.
The political culture of the use of violence
It is significant that in Nigeria today, some politicians resort to violence, such as the use of political thugs to achieve their aim of gaining a political position. For example, the 2023 presidential election was marked with a lot of reported violence as political thugs were snatching ballot boxes and killing voters in some pooling units. In one of the pooling units at Ijegun Primary School, Ijegun, Lagos state, a politician ordered his thugs to disrupt the process and wounded people who tried to stop them (Onodjae 2023). The use of thugs by politicians was highly reported within Lagos state during the 2023 presidential election with its effects leading to the postponement of presidential elections in some pooling units in Lagos state. According to Anichukwueze (2023), thugs on Saturday disrupted the voting process in Elegushi, Ikate area of Lekki and other parts of Lagos State. He reported an eyewitness statement to Channels Television. In the report, the eyewitness said that in his polling unit near the Oba Elegushi’s palace, some thugs did not allow them to vote as the thugs scattered everywhere saying that they could not vote there (Anichukwueze 2023). He also reported disruptions in other areas in Lagos, including Aguda, Ojo, Oshodi, among others. This is why Zeijl (2023:5) argues that in Nigeria, violent groups known as ‘political thugs’ have been used by the established political parties for decades to influence the electoral process with reports showing several incidences where political thugs destroyed ballot boxes, scattered ballot papers on the street and roads, injured voters and in some cases killed voters. In Lagos state alone, the Lagos State Police Command confirmed the arrest of over 20 suspected political thugs involved in cases of electoral violence across the metropolis during the presidential election (Akoni 2023:1). Moreover, in Cross River state, 16 political thugs were arrested by the police for their involvement in electoral violence across the metropolis during the presidential election (Uchechukwu 2023:1). Uchechukwu’s report shows that the political thugs were members of a political party or sponsored by a particular political party. For instance, in the statement from one of the arrested political thugs, he said:
‘l am a member of the APC where I coordinate for my polling unit in Obudu and over N500 000 was paid into my account to coordinate my unit during the elections and I have five others of my members here who were also arrested.’ (Uchechukwu 2023:2)
Agba, Coker and Ogaboh (2010:192–199) argue that during elections in Nigeria, voters are always faced with intimidation orchestrated by thugs employed by desperate politicians who want to use every means including violence to gain political office. Their study reveals that politicians employ political thugs, which consist of mostly unemployed youths and lure them with money, extravagant promises of employment and other illegal government patronage. The continued use of violence by most Nigerian politicians by employing thugs or organised armed groups during election periods has become a political culture as it is accepted as the norm by most political parties and keeps reoccurring in all election periods (Seiyefa 2017:121). With this political culture of using violence, vote rigging and intimidation, Nigerians are left with no choice but to accept the bad leaders who were not voted by the Nigerian people but were selected by the political elites.
Pervasive corruption within political systems
Pervasive corruption is a significant factor contributing to Christian apathy towards partisan politics. According to Ngwoke (2021), corruption has spread like a cancer into every system of the government in Nigeria. Pervasive corruption within political systems undermines the trust and confidence that Christians have in the government and political processes in Nigeria. This is seen in the worsening state of corruption in Nigeria as corruption deepens into every sector in Nigeria resulting in the reason why Nigeria is ranked in the 150th position according to the latest corruption perception index (CPI) released by Transparency International (International 2023). Pervasive corruption within political systems has discouraged some Christians from participating in partisan politics, as they may feel that their efforts to bring about change will be ineffective or thwarted by dishonest practices. As a result, many Nigerian Christians choose to distance themselves from the political sphere, relinquishing their influence and potential for positive change.
Negative perception of politics
Christians, like any other group, may hold diverse perspectives on politics. Some strategies used by politicians such as the politics of godfatherism, divide and rule, use of diabolical means, violence and insecurity, among others, have created negative perceptions of politics among some Christian believers and in most cases make them see politics as a dirty game (Ituma 2009). In Nigeria, many politicians rely on the strategy of abuse of political power, blackmail, intimidation, threats against opposing voices, torture and murder of political opponents to maintain political power (Human Rights Watch 2007; Yusuf 2019). As a result of their ferocious efforts to advance their political positions, politicians become so desperate that they hire assassins, who are easily found among the unemployed and poor. With this kind of strategy employed by politicians, Christians find it difficult to engage in partisan politics in Nigeria. The prevalence of violence and insecurity, including attacks on Christian communities, has heightened concerns. Christians may feel that involvement in partisan politics will make one involved in such a lifestyle where one will no longer care and value their fellow human’s lives as political leaders are not doing enough to protect lives and provide security for their communities. Other negative practices include the politics of godfatherism, which will require one to agree or sign an agreement or take an oath to be loyal to someone who stands as a political godfather and will force the loyalist to do his bidding, which includes diverting the money meant for the development of the people and the place to his purse. For instance, in the report of Human Rights Watch, they showed the documents where the former governor of Anambra State, Mr. Chris Ngige, signed an agreement with Chief Chris Uba stating thus: ‘4. That I shall be unreservedly loyal to Chief Chris Uba (Eselu Uga) throughout my tenure as Governor of Anambra State’ (Human Rights Watch 2007). The document further reveals that all key stakeholders’ appointments and nominations, which include a nomination for federal appointments, all local government Chairmanship candidates across Anambra State, all Chief Executives of parastatals, state councils of chiefs and all state leadership positions, must be made by Chris Uba, the godfather (Human Rights Watch 2007). This kind of agreement will no doubt make the governor handicapped when it comes to providing good leadership or governance that will be of benefit to the people as everything will be done in the selfish interest of the godfather. From the report of Human Rights Watch, one can see that the governor will just be used by the political Godfather to achieve his corrupt political goal, while the governor will be seen as the one making all the decisions. If, the Godfather decides to carry out any corrupt practice or immoral acts, the governor, who has been elected by the people, will have no choice but to agree with him as he has already signed an agreement to remain loyal to the Godfather. From these facts, one would agree that the Christians’ negative perception towards Nigerian politics no doubt is based on the bad governance and other corrupt practices of most politicians in power. Thus, Christians view politics as inherently corrupt or immoral, leading them to disengage from partisan political activities in Nigeria. A pastor named Osho (2022) said that there are various reasons why Christians in Nigeria hate politics and call it dirty, namely:
The first reason is that, practising Christians shun politics due to their conviction or conclusion that politics in Nigeria is conducted in darkness. The belief is that diabolism and occultism are endemic amongst Nigerian politicians. The second reason Christians abhor politics is because of human sacrifices that politicians are perceived to allegedly engage in because of their morbid desire to win and to be ‘fortified’ against their political enemies and rivals. The third reason they allude to is that politics is full of corruption and deceit. Corruption and deceit exist in politics in Nigeria because corruption and deceit exist in abundance in the Nigerian society as a whole. (p. 1)
Belief systems
Belief systems make some sects within Christianity focus on the spiritual rather than the politics, which is responsible for Christian apathy in partisan politics. While the relationship between religion and politics has been a topic of discussion for centuries, it is important to acknowledge the impact that belief systems within Christianity can have on the political engagement of its adherents. Religious groups, including Christian sects, often provide ideological motivations for political engagement through theological and moral narratives that coordinate belief systems and justify action. These belief systems shape how individuals prioritise their values and guide their actions, including how one participates in partisan politics. The belief that politics is a dirty game and therefore inappropriate for a Christian to participate has discouraged many Christians from taking part in partisan politics (Ituma 2009). The belief that ‘politics is a dirty game’ discourages many Christians from partisan politics because of moral concerns. Some view politics as corrupt, unethical and incompatible with Christian values, fearing compromise or sin. Others interpret biblical calls for separation from ‘worldly’ affairs (Jn 17:16) as discouraging political engagement. Additionally, past experiences of violence, fraud and godless leadership reinforce this perception. However, critics argue that withdrawal of Christians from politics cedes governance to unethical actors, undermining societal righteousness. While some Christians avoid politics to preserve spiritual purity, others engage, citing civic duty (Jr 29:7) and the need for godly influence highlighting a tension between faith and political participation. Also, a factor that contributes to Christian apathy in partisan politics is the emphasis on beliefs that are based on the interpretations of religious texts as it varies widely among denominations and individuals. Some may interpret the Bible as encouraging non-involvement in worldly affairs, including politics (Taylor & John 2010). Indeed, some beliefs among some Christian believers have often portrayed the idea that Christians should not be involved in partisan politics based on the belief that they are not citizens of this world, but citizens of heaven as Apostle Paul made it clear, ‘For our citizenship is in heaven, from which we also eagerly wait for the Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ’ (Phlp 3:20, NKJV). This suggests that Christians ultimately belong to a heavenly kingdom, and their primary allegiance is to God. This idea is supported by various passages, including John 17:16 (NIV), where Jesus prays for his disciples: ‘They are not of the world, even as I am not of it’. This concept of separation is taken to mean that Christians should not be too entangled with the political systems and conflicts of the world. Thus, the belief that Christians are to focus on the spiritual aspects of Christianity leads to a disengagement from political affairs, as individuals prioritise their relationship with God over worldly matters such as politics. This can result in a lack of interest or involvement in partisan politics, as believers prioritise their spiritual growth and the pursuit of heaven.
Insufficient political education
A lack of understanding of political processes, rights and the importance of participation in politics is attributed to political apathy. The lack of political education creates room for wrong perceptions, which may lead to the introduction of fear, prejudice and ignorance of many forms, ultimately leading to the development of political apathy. Many people are freed from the shackles of fear, ignorance and superstition when they receive political education. This gives rise to a liberated, independent and responsible citizenry empowered by the knowledge gained by political education. This leads to a change in people’s attitude towards politics that ensures that human capability is achieved (Danfulani 2021:319). Thus, when Christians are not adequately educated about their civic rights and responsibilities, including the importance of participating in politics, they may not realise the significance of their role in shaping the nation’s future. This lack of awareness can lead to apathy and disengagement. Also, a lack of political education can result in limited knowledge about critical political issues, policies and candidates. Without this knowledge, individuals may feel ill-equipped to make informed decisions at the ballot box, leading them to abstain from participating in partisan politics. Without the ability to critically evaluate political information and discourse, Christians, like any other group, can fall victim to misinformation, propaganda and divisive rhetoric. This can breed cynicism and disillusionment, making them less likely to engage in politics.
Impact of corruption and violence on Nigeria’s politics and democracy
The issues of corruption and violence in Nigerian politics have continued to worsen despite numerous efforts by the government to curb these phenomena. Violence has deeply affected the Nigerian political system, creating an environment of distrust, fear and disenfranchisement. For instance, in the three Nigerian elections held in 2011, 2015 and 2019, more than 1149 people, including INEC employees and security officers, were killed (Adepegba & Olokor 2022:1). This alarming level of violence not only endangers lives but also severely undermines the integrity and credibility of the electoral process. Political violence is pervasive across Nigeria and has become a recurring phenomenon in every election, contributing to a broader sense of insecurity, discouraging political participation and creating an atmosphere of fear.
The fear of becoming a victim of election-related violence prevents many people from participating in partisan politics, as they witness recurring violence that claims the lives of candidates. For instance, in the 2023 election, the senatorial candidate of the Labour Party (LP) was shot dead by political thugs from an opposition party a few days before the election (Princewill 2023:3; Ugwu 2023:1). The use of political thugs to intimidate opponents and voters creates an atmosphere of fear and insecurity. This violence discourages political participation and skews election outcomes, further entrenching corrupt leaders in power (Iyekekpolo 2020:5). These heart-breaking incidents are eroding the fabric of Nigerian society. This insecurity can deter qualified candidates from running for office and inhibit the free expression of political opinions (Human Rights Watch 2007). Violence and the threat of violence lead to the disenfranchisement of large segments of the population. When voters are too afraid to go to the polls, they lose their right to choose their representatives. This disenfranchisement undermines the legitimacy of the election results and the elected officials, as they may not truly represent the people’s wishes.
Another significant effect of violence is the destruction of INEC election devices and materials. For instance, during one of the violent incidents, two containers loaded with 4695 smart card readers were destroyed, along with other sensitive materials, at the Anambra State headquarters of INEC on 12 February 2019, shortly before the general election (Adepegba & Olokor 2022:1). In Nigeria, violent groups known as ‘political thugs’ have been used by established political parties for decades to influence the electoral process. These political thugs frequently invade polling units where opposition parties have strong support, aiming to destroy ballot boxes. For instance, during the 2023 Nigerian general election, political thugs invaded several polling units, particularly in Lagos State, destroying ballot boxes and ballot papers, leading to the cancellation of the results from the attacked polling units (Zeijl 2023; Onodjae 2023). This tactic is used to disrupt the voting process and invalidate votes that might favour rival candidates. Such incidents not only distort the election results but also discourage voter turnout in affected areas, as citizens fear violence and stay away from voting. Violence in politics often results in human rights violations, including suppression of free speech, unlawful detentions and extrajudicial killings. These incidents undermine the fundamental principles of democracy and the protection of citizens’ rights (Amnesty International 2019). Continuous incidents of violence and corruption contribute to a growing distrust in the political system. This erosion of trust further discourages political participation and weakens democratic institutions as citizens lose faith in the ability of the government to conduct free and fair elections.
Corruption has deeply infiltrated Nigerian politics, thus becoming a pervasive issue that undermines the integrity of the electoral process and erodes public trust in democratic institutions. Corruption also affects the Nigerian political system with practices such as rigging, vote buying and others. Corruption diverts resources intended for public services into the pockets of corrupt officials, exacerbating poverty and inequality. This misallocation of resources hinders economic development and reduces public trust in government institutions. Corrupt practices impair governance, leading to ineffective policy implementation and poor public service delivery. This inefficiency further reduces public confidence in democratic institutions (Collier 2009). Corruption facilitates election rigging, where votes are manipulated to favour certain candidates or parties. This practice undermines the legitimacy of elections and disenfranchises voters, weakening the foundation of democracy. Corrupt practices distort the electoral process, as it leads to the prioritisation of financial incentives over the wish of the people (Bratton 1999).
In Nigerian politics, the phrase ‘go to court’ has become a ubiquitous refrain. It is the default response to any electoral dispute, symbolising the entrenchment of corruption within the electoral process. Thus, politicians employ different forms of corrupt and violent measures to be declared winners. The 2023 presidential and governorship elections were particularly contentious, characterised by political violence, accusations of vote rigging, electoral malpractice and corruption levelled against INEC returning officers and various INEC staff (Jannamike 2023; Nwaiwu 2023). Following these elections, it became commonplace for the parties declared winners to tell their opponents to ‘go to court’ if they had any grievances. This highlights the perceived futility of challenging electoral outcomes through the legal system, which is often seen as slow, cumbersome, and easily manipulated by corruption that has spread in every sector in Nigeria (Ngwoke 2021).
Corruption within the Nigerian judiciary significantly contributes to the entrenchment of corrupt practices like election rigging, as many rely on the dismissive phrase ‘go to court,’ fully aware that the chances of obtaining true justice are slim. The courts are often viewed as corrupt, with judges susceptible to bribery and intimidation. For instance, Justice Musa Dattijo Muhammd, in his valedictory speech when retiring from the Supreme Court, provided a detailed account of the pervasive corruption within Nigeria’s apex court. His 31 page address summarised pervasive corruption within Nigeria’s judiciary in three key aspects: (1) subversion of justice, (2) financial mismanagement and (3) flawed appointments. Justice Dattijo Muhammd accused the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) of deliberately failing to fill vacancies in the Supreme Court, thereby subverting justice (Ezechi 2024). He highlighted significant accountability issues and monumental corruption in the judiciary and the appointment process for judges, stating it is no longer based on merit but on lobbying and political patronage. This practice has led to senior bench members appointing their relatives and associates, including wives, children and mistresses, over more qualified candidates. Thus, politicians strategically install their associates and family members into the judiciary to help them subvert justice to their favour. For instance, on the day the Ninth Senate was holding its valedictory session on 10 June 2023, Senator Adamu Bulkachuwa, representing Bauchi North Senatorial District, revealed that through his wife, Justice Zainab Bulkachuwa, a former President of the Court of Appeal, influenced court judgements in favour of some of his colleagues (Onwuka 2023).
These revelations underscore the deep-rooted corruption and inefficiencies in Nigeria’s judiciary, affecting the integrity and public trust in the judicial system. This situation has led to a scenario where justice is not always served, and the party with the deepest pockets or influential persons often emerge victorious. The compromised state of the judiciary means that electoral disputes are frequently resolved in favour of those who can afford to influence judicial outcomes.
Recent elections have seen numerous allegations of politicians bribing officials from the INEC and the police, as well as ‘buying’ thugs to rig elections (Jannamike 2023). These corrupt practices undermine the credibility of the electoral process and disenfranchise voters. The Lagos, Rivers and Adamawa governorship elections are notable examples of this (Jannamike 2023).
In one notable incident, Aisha Dahiru, also known as Binani, the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), was declared the winner of the Adamawa State governorship election by Hudu Yunusa-Ari, the Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC). However, it was later alleged that Yunusa-Ari had been influenced by the APC to declare Binani the winner (Jannamike 2023). The scandal shook the country, and although the fraudulent result was eventually overturned, the rightful winner was sworn in as governor (Jannamike 2023).
Corruption in the electoral process significantly diminishes public trust in the political system. When voters believe that elections are rigged and votes do not count, they are less likely to participate in future electoral processes. Many voters in Nigeria today believe that their votes do not count because of anti-democratic practices such as falsification of voters’ register, underage voting, snatching of ballot boxes, vote buying before and during elections, denial of voting rights to qualified physically challenged individuals and deliberate falsification of vote figures to favour a particular candidate (Bratton 2008; Ukpong & Udoh 2023). These practices have a damaging effect on the democratic process, thus, resulting in apathy and disenfranchisement, which weaken democratic institutions and reduce the legitimacy of elected officials. For instance, in the 2023 general elections, Nigeria recorded over 93 million registered voters; however, voter turnout was markedly low, with only approximately 25% of registered voters participating in the electoral process (INEC 2024). This pervasive voter apathy driven by systemic issues such as electoral mistrust, governance failures and institutionalised violence prompted the National Assembly to propose a controversial amendment to the Electoral Act aiming to make voting compulsory for all eligible citizens in national and state elections. However, legal and civil rights advocates, including Femi Falana, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), and Olisa Agbakoba, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) and a former Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) President, have vehemently criticised the bill, arguing that it ignores the underlying structural barriers to political participation. They contend that voter boycotts reflect a rational rejection of a system characterised by chronic misgovernance, corruption and the instrumentalisation of violence that render elections mere rituals of power renewal rather than democratic exercises (Nwafor 2025; Sahara Reporter 2025).
The role of the Church in addressing irregularities, violence and corruption in Nigeria’s electoral process
Curbing irregularities, violence and corruption in Nigeria’s electoral process necessitate exploring the core values and teachings of the Church, as it serves as a moral compass, guiding and harmonising human behaviour. For instance, the Church follows the ethical guidelines outlined in the Ten Commandments, as recorded in Exodus 20. These commandments cover a range of moral guidelines, from honouring one’s parents to refraining from theft and murder. Christians are expected to adhere to these commandments as a means of living an accountable, honest and ethical life (Malmin 2022). Similarly, adherents of Islam and African traditional religion (ATR) adhere to their rules.
Islam provides a comprehensive ethical framework through the teachings of the Quran and the Hadith (sayings and actions of the Prophet Muhammad). Islamic ethics encompass various aspects of life, including personal conduct, social interactions and economic dealings (Ebrahimi & Yusoff 2017; Idrees et al. 2022). Adherents of Islam are guided by honesty, compassion and justice, which are integral to the religion’s moral teachings. African traditional religion also offers moral values and rules that regulate human behaviour within its cultural and spiritual context. These may vary across African cultures and traditions but often emphasise communal harmony, respect for elders and reverence for the natural world. African traditional religion incorporates moral lessons into its rituals, myths and oral traditions, shaping the ethical outlook of its followers. Mbiti (1969) emphasises the role of religion in providing moral guidance, stating that it delineates right from wrong, enhancing individuals’ and society’s ethical standards and well-being. Mbiti’s assertion emphasises the central role that religion plays in shaping moral values and guiding human behaviour within societies.
One of the potential ways irregularities, violence and corruption in Nigeria’s electoral process can be curbed is through the principle of promoting transparency, sincerity and accountability, which is upheld as the core value of Christianity that the Church upholds. Transparency, sincerity and accountability are core religious principles that can foster effective interaction between religion and politics (Umeanolue 2019). In other words, a transparent, sincere and accountable partnership of the leaders of various religious groups towards fostering these core practices, teachings and values will steer a potential change that will bring about dropping the negative attitudes of using religion to manipulate others.
In Christianity, the principle of transparency, sincerity and accountability is rooted in the biblical principles of honesty and integrity. An honest man keeps his word (Pr 12:22). The law of truth is in his mouth (Ml 2:6; Ps 15:2). He does not promise and then not perform (Ja 5:12; Mt 5:37). A truly honest man will not bear false witness, slander or otherwise malign his neighbour (Ps 15:3). Christian theology underscores the significance of honesty as a core value and teachings that require Christians to live lives of integrity (Volf 2011). Apostle Paul, in one of his letters, instructs Christians on how they should live in honesty and not defraud or deceive others (cf. I Th 4:6).
These values of transparency, honesty and accountability are further explicated by John the Baptist when he was asked by people listening to his teaching what they should do. In his response, he told them not to take more than what is rightfully theirs to refrain from extracting money through coercion and to avoid making false accusations (cf. Lk 3:13–14). Thus, his teaching is for the believers to be transparent, honest and accountable in their life dealings. Christianity also holds the belief in accountability of all humans before god with emphasis that everyone will be called to account for his or her actions on the judgement day (cf. Rv 20:11–15). During judgement, everybody will be held accountable for their actions and deeds in their lifetime on earth. Christian theology emphasises punishment for violators of Christian principles and teachings (Metz 2000; Saleam & Moustafa 2016). For instance, the teaching of original sin (violation of Christian principles and teachings) and the concept of punishment are clearly stated when the Lord God commanded the first man (Adam), saying:
Of every tree of the garden thou mayest freely eat: But of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, thou shalt not eat of it: for in the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die. (Gn 2:16–17, KJV)
Thus, because of violating this command, Adam and Eve experienced shame and received punishment from God (Gn 3:7–19). Consequently, the punishment and shame act as corrective measures to violators of Christian ethical principles. The role of the Church in addressing irregularities, violence and corruption in Nigeria’s electoral process can be significantly achieve through these moral influence, social reach and ability to promote ethical values.
Recommendations
While religious institutions, like the Church, should remain neutral, they can play a vital role in promoting transparency, accountability and social cohesion within the electoral process. Here are several ways the Church can contribute:
- The Church should implement comprehensive political education programmes within Christian communities to enhance understanding of political processes and the importance of active participation. The Church should encourage its members through political education programmes to actively participate in politics. They should take an active role in promoting political engagement, providing platforms for political discourse and supporting candidates with integrity.
- The Church should provide moral guidance to its members and the wider society, emphasising the importance of honesty, fairness and integrity in the electoral process. Religious leaders should use their platforms to educate people about the negative impacts of irregularities, violence and corruption on society and democracy.
- The Church should advocate for stringent anti-corruption laws and transparent electoral processes to restore trust in Nigeria’s political system. They should advocate for policies aimed at promoting peaceful and nonviolent elections. Thus, they should partner with the government and policymakers to develop and support initiatives aimed at reducing political violence and ensuring safer environments for political participation.
- The Church should be involved in monitoring the electoral process and reporting any irregularities or acts of violence. This involves setting up observation teams and working in collaboration with other civil society groups to ensure transparency and accountability.
- The Church should encourage its members to actively participate in the democratic process by voting and engaging in informed discussions about the issues that affect their communities.
- Policies and initiatives that foster national unity and address ethnic and religious tensions should be promoted and implemented. This will help in building a cohesive society, which is essential for sustainable democratic development in a multi-religious nation like Nigeria.
Conclusion
Corruption and violence have profound negative impacts on Nigerian politics and democracy. They undermine democratic norms, impair governance and violate human rights, creating a vicious cycle of instability and disenfranchisement. This study underscores the significant impact of negative political norms, corruption and violence on the participation of Christians in Nigerian politics. Despite prevailing challenges and the perception of politics being a ‘dirty game’, Christians are encouraged to change their attitudes, behaviours and perceptions of leaving politics in the hands of corrupt and irresponsible people. Addressing these issues requires a concerted effort from all stakeholders, including government, civil society and the international community. By addressing these issues through education, Church involvement, robust anti-corruption measures, electoral reforms, political education, enhanced security and initiatives to foster national unity, Nigeria can build a more transparent, inclusive and democratic political system. This will foster a more engaged and active Christian electorate, which is crucial for strengthening democracy and ensuring that the political landscape in Nigeria becomes more inclusive and representative.
Acknowledgements
The author sincerely appreciates the efforts of Prof. Ernest van Eck and all the people who assisted in reviewing and editing this article.
Competing interests
The author declares that no financial or personal relationships inappropriately influenced the writing of this article.
Author’s contributions
P.N.N. is the sole author of this research article.
Ethical considerations
Ethical waiver to conduct this study was obtained from the University of Nigeria, Research Ethics Committee of the Department of Religion and Cultural Studies, Faculty of the Social Sciences. This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability
The author confirms that the data supporting this study and its findings are available within the article.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and are the product of professional research. It does not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated institution, funder, agency or that of the publisher. The author is responsible for this article’s results, findings and content.
References
Adepegba, A. & Olokor, F., 2022, ‘Electoral violence: 1,149 Nigerians killed, INEC suffers 42 attacks, decries rising insecurity’, Punch, 19 April, p. 5, viewed 10 December 2024, from https://punchng.com/electoral-violence-1149-nigerians-killed-inec-suffers-42-attacks-decries-rising-insecurity.
Adetoyese, J.O., 2001, ‘The challenges of Christians’ participation in politics’, Politics 13(1), 1–17, viewed 05 December 2023, from https://biblicaltheology.com/Research/AdetoyeseJO02.pdf.
Agba, M.S., Coker, M.A. & Ogaboh, A.A., 2010, ‘Political thuggery and democratic dividends in Nigeria’, International Journal of Public Administration 33(4), 192–199. https://doi.org/10.1080/01900690903380365
Akoni, O., 2023, ‘Poll: Lagos Police arrests over 20 suspects for electoral violence’, Vangaurd, 26 February, p. 1, viewed 18 December 2024, from https://www.vanguardngr.com/2023/02/poll-lagos-police-arrests-over-20-suspects-for-electoral-violence.
Amnesty International, 2019, Nigeria: Human rights watch report, Amnesty International Nigeria, Abuja.
Anichukwueze, D., 2023, ‘2023 elections: Thugs disrupt voting in Lekki, other Areas in Lagos’, Channels, 25 February, p. 2, viewed 24 January 2025, from https://www.channelstv.com/2023/02/25/2023-elections-thugs-disrupt-voting-in-lekki-other-areas-in-lagos.
Audu, O., 2021, ‘We’re unhappy over Christians’ apathy to politics – Panya’, Independent Newspaper, 13 July, p. 4, viewed 13 December 2024, from https://independent.ng/were-unhappy-over-christians-apathy-to-politics-panya.
Bratton, M., 1999, ‘Political participation in a new democracy: Institutional considerations from Zambia’, Comparative Political Studies 32(5), 549–588. https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414099032005002
Bratton, M., 2008, ‘Vote buying and violence in Nigerian election campaigns’, Electoral studies 27(4), 621–632. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2008.04.013
Collier, P., 2009, Wars, guns and votes: Democracy in dangerous places, Random House, New York, NY.
Danfulani, U.H.D., 2021, ‘Religion, politics and integrity: A discourse about fostering political participation by the church in Nigeria’, Nigerian Journal of Christian Studies 4(1), 299–329, viewed 11 February 2024, from https://www.ajol.info/index.php/njcs/article/view/220818.
Denis, M.J., 2020, ‘Political elitism and ethnic violence in Nigeria since independence’, Journal of Liberal Arts and Humanities 1(4), 154–160. https://jlahnet.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/16.pdf.
Ebrahimi, M. & Yusoff, K., 2017, ‘Islamic identity, ethical principles and human values’, European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 2(6), 325–336. https://doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v6i1.p325-336
Ezechi, D.E., 2024, ‘Phenomenological Interpretation of Judicial Corruption in Nigeria’, NJIKO: A Multi-Disciplinary Journal of Humanities, Law, Education and Social Sciences 2(1), 56–68.
Falaye, T.A., 2016, ‘Christianity and politics: The experience from Nigeria’, Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 4(6), 1–7, viewed 05 December 2023, from http://www.eajournals.org/wp-content/uploads/Christianity-and-Politics-The-Experience-from-Nigeria.pdf.
Human Rights Watch, 2007, ‘Criminal politics: Violence, “Godfathers” and Corruption in Nigeria’, Human Rights Watch, 11 October, viewed 02 February 2024, from https://www.hrw.org/report/2007/10/11/criminal-politics/violence-godfathers-and-corruption-nigeria.
Idrees, H.M., Abbasi, H., Akhtar, S., Awan, T.A., Mann, M. & Akhter, S., 2022, ‘Philosophy Of ethics in Muslim Society’, Journal of Positive School Psychology 6(10), 3034–3039.
Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), 2024, Report of The 2023 General Election, viewed 10 April 2024, from https://inecnigeria.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/2023-GENERAL-ELECTION-REPORT-1.pdf.
Ituma, E.A., 2009, ‘Religion and Partisan politics in Nigeria: A challenge to the committed Christian’, Professor Bassey Andah Journal of Cultural Studies 2, 30–42, viewed 07 January 2024, from http://www.academicexcellencesociety.com/religion_and_partisan_politics_in_nigeria.pdf.
Iyekekpolo, W.O., 2020, ‘Political elites and the rise of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria’, Terrorism and Political Violence 32(4), 749–767. https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2017.1400431
Jannamike, L., 2023, ‘“GO TO COURT” now reinforcing violence, rigging’, Vanguard, 22 April, p. 1, viewed 24 January 2024, from https://www.vanguardngr.com/2023/04/go-to-court-now-reinforcing-violence-rigging.
Malmin, M., 2022, ‘The ethical morality of Christianity requires an assiduous pursuit of the Great Commandment’, Open Journal of Social Sciences 10(1), 36–56. https://doi.org/10.4236/jss.2022.101004
Mbiti, J.S., 1969, African religion and philosophy, Heinemann, London.
Metz, T., 2000, ‘Could God’s purpose be the source of life’s meaning?’, Religious Studies 36(3), 293–313. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034412500005278
Ngwoke, P.N., 2021, ‘The place of religion in combating corruption in Nigeria’, Journal of Church and State 63(3), 419–439. https://doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csaa058
Ngwoke, P.N. & Ituma, E.A., 2020, ‘Ethno-religious conflict and sustainable development in Nigeria’, HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 76(4), 1–8. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v76i4.6090
Nwafor, S., 2025, ‘Compulsory voting bill violates Nigerian constitution – Falana’, Vanguard, 19 May, p. 1, viewed 24 January 2024, from https://www.vanguardngr.com/2025/05/compulsory-voting-bill-violates-nigerian-constitution-falana.
Nwaiwu, C., 2023, Thugs attack polling units, injure over 16 INEC officials in Anambra, p. 4, Vanguard, viewed 14 December 2024, from https://www.vanguardngr.com/2023/03/thugs-attack-polling-units-injure-over-16-inec-officials-in-anambra/.
Okojie, K., 2023, ‘There were 21 fatalities in 2023 elections – EU Election Observers’, Businessday, 20 March, p. 4, viewed 10 December 2024, from https://businessday.ng/nigeriadecidesliveupdates/article/there-were-reportedly-some-21-fatalities-in-2023-elections-eu-election-observers
Onodjae, E., 2023, ‘Elections: Thugs invade Lagos polling units, smash bottles on voter’s head’, Vanguard, 18 March, p. 1, viewed 13 December 2024, from https://www.vanguardngr.com/2023/03/elections-thugs-invade-lagos-polling-units-smash-bottles-on-voters-head.
Onwuka, A., 2023, ‘When a senator boasts his wife influences court judgments’, Punch, 20 June, p. 3, viewed 12 January 2025, from https://punchng.com/when-a-senator-boasts-his-wife-influences-court-judgments.
Osho, O., 2022, ‘Nigerian Christians and politics’, The Cable, 13 March, p. 1.
Otite, S.K., 2021, ‘The problem of dirty hands and Christian participation in politics’, Tropical Journal of Arts and Humanities 3(2), 33–41. https://doi.org/10.47524/tjah.v3i2.34
Princewill, N., 2023, ‘Nigeria opposition senatorial candidate gunned down days before crucial elections’, CNN, 23 February, viewed 12 April 2024, from https://edition.cnn.com/2023/02/23/africa/senatorial-candidate-killed-nigeria-intl/index.html.
Sahara Reporter, 2025, ‘“I would rather go to jail than vote by force” – Olisa Agbakoba Slams Compulsory Voting Bill’, Sahara Reporter, 20 May, viewed 12 April 2024, from https://saharareporters.com/2025/05/20/i-would-rather-go-jail-vote-force-olisa-agbakoba-slams-compulsory-voting-bill.
Saleam, J., & Moustafa, A.A., 2016, ‘The influence of divine rewards and punishments on religious prosociality’, Frontiers in Psychology 7, 1149. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.01149
Seiyefa, E., 2017, ‘Elite political culture-A link to political violence: Evidence from Nigeria’, African Security 10(2), 103–130. https://doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2017.1305860
Taylor, V. & John, W., 2010, ‘The Christian and Politics (I)’, Perspective Digest 15(1), 24–38, viewed 18 April 2024, from http://digitalcommons.andrews.edu/pd/vol15/iss1/2.
Transparency International, 2023, Corruption Perceptions Index 2022, Transparency International, viewed 18 February 2024, from https://www.transparency.org/en/cpi/2022/index/nga.
Tutu, O.-A.D., 2017, ‘Biblical perspective on Christians participation in politics’, World Wide Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development 3(9), 165–170, viewed 14 December 2023, from https://wwjmrd.com/upload/biblical-perspective-on-christians-participation-in-politics--.pdf.
Uchechukwu, I., 2023, ‘Polls: How we arrested 16 political thugs in C’River – Police’, Vanguard, 04 March, p. 1, viewed 12 February 2024, from https://www.vanguardngr.com/2023/03/polls-how-we-arrested-16-political-thugs-in-criver-police.
Ugwu, C., 2023, ‘2023: Gunmen kill Labour Party senatorial candidate, five others in Enugu’, Premium Times, 23 February, p. 1, viewed 14 December 2024, from https://www.premiumtimesng.com/regional/ssouth-east/583574-2023-gunmen-kill-labour-party-senatorial-candidate-five-others-in-enugu.html?tztc=1.
Ukpong, P.J. & Udoh, M.A., 2023, ‘Voting system and electoral malpractices in Nigeria: A case study of the Fourth Republic of Nigeria’, Public Policy and Administration Research 13(4), 33–51.
Umeanolue, I.L., 2019, ‘Religious influences on politics in Nigeria: Implications for national development’, Ogirisi: A New Journal of African Studies 15(1), 139–157. https://doi.org/10.4314/og.v15i1.9s
Volf, M., 2011, A public faith: How followers of Christ should serve the common good, Brazos Press, Grand Rapids, MI.
Yusuf, I.M., 2019, ‘Electoral violence in Nigeria: Disentangling the causes’, Research on Humanities and Social Sciences 9(10), 38–47, viewed 03 February 2024, from https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/f9c8/f2570b59e0a4266075534c84da5905b2ab38.pdf.
Zeijl, F., 2023, ‘How violence robs Nigerians of their votes’, Aljazeera, 02 March, p. 5, viewed 13 January 2025, from https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/2/how-violence-robs-nigerians-of-their-votes.
|
Email this article (Login required)
