Abstract
This article examines the perspectives and lived experiences of church and community members regarding marital tensions that emerge at the intersection of African indigenous traditions and Western influences on African marriages. These tensions present significant challenges for modern African couples as they navigate conflicting cultural expectations and values. Church and community members often hold differing perspectives on the root causes and implications of these tensions, leading to varied proposals regarding the church’s role in offering support and intervention. The study investigates two central questions: (1) What are the views and experiences of church and community members regarding marital tensions at the interface of African indigenous tradition and Western influence? (2) How can these views inform effective pastoral interventions to support African couples experiencing such tensions? Drawing on empirical data from three Christian denominations in Zimbabwe – Mugodhi Apostolic Church, United Baptist Church, and Glad Tidings Fellowship – the article identifies both converging and diverging perspectives on marriage, tradition, and cultural change. Findings suggest that the church has a critical role in facilitating dialogue, mediating tensions, and developing contextually relevant pastoral approaches that honour both traditional and contemporary values. By foregrounding emic perspectives, this article highlights the importance of culturally sensitive pastoral care in addressing the evolving realities of African marriages. It proposes that effective pastoral interventions must be informed by grassroots insights and seek to reconcile the tensions between tradition and modernity in ways that promote relational harmony and spiritual well-being among couples.
Contribution: This article provides empirically grounded insights into how churches in Africa can develop culturally sensitive pastoral interventions that address marital tensions arising from the intersection of indigenous traditions and Western influences.
Keywords: marriage in Africa; marital tensions in Africa; African traditions and Western influence in African marriage; pastoral intervention to African families; emic insights.
Introduction
In the traditional African context, marriage occupies a central and foundational position within society, serving as a cornerstone for social, cultural, and spiritual life (Baloyi 2022:1, 2023:163). Traditionally, marriage is not merely perceived as a union between two individuals but as a vital institution that establishes and strengthens connections among families, communities, and even ancestral lineages. It functions as a key mechanism through which social cohesion, communal identity, and intergenerational continuity are maintained. Within many African societies, marriage is understood as the necessary precursor to family life, as procreation is central to the notions of lineage, legacy, and social continuity, and is appropriately considered situated within the bounds of a marital relationship (Baloyi 2022:1–2; Ebun 2014:95; Mbiti 1991:133). Beyond its reproductive function, in most African cultures, marriage embodies a complex web of relational, economic, and spiritual responsibilities, including the exchange of bride wealth (lobola), the affirmation of kinship obligations, and the recognition of ancestral blessing, all of which underscore its communal and intergenerational significance.
However, the nature and meaning of marriage in African communities have not remained static. They have undergone significant transformations, particularly since the advent of colonialism and the widespread influence of Christian missionary enterprise (Takyi 2001:82). Colonial authorities and missionaries often sought, and to a larger extent succeeded in imposing Western norms and Christian marital ideals, portraying traditional African marital practices as pagan, backwards, or morally deficient (Shingange 2025:1–2). Customary marital practices such as polygamy, bride wealth negotiations, and extended family involvement in marital arrangements were, and are still either discouraged, reinterpreted, or reframed according to Western ideals of individualism, nuclear family structures, and monogamy. These interventions, to show the impact of Western influence, have not only reshaped the social, cultural, and religious contours of African marriage but also created enduring tensions between indigenous African values and Western Christian constructs of marital life.
In contemporary African societies, marriages exist at a complex interface where traditional cultural expectations encounter modern influences, including gender equality discourses, legal reforms, urbanisation, and global media (Baloyi 2022:1; Onwuatuegwu & Nwagu 2023:76; Shingange 2025). This intersection produces contested meanings and evolving practices of marriage, which frequently challenge both couples and communities. As a result, understanding and supporting marital relationships in contemporary Africa requires theological and pastoral approaches that are both contextually relevant and culturally sensitive, capable of addressing the tensions that arise from the ongoing negotiation between tradition and modernity.
Recent studies across the African continent have highlighted both the centrality and the challenges of pastoral involvement in marital counselling. Kgatle and Spaumer (2023) found that within South African neo-Pentecostal churches, pastors are the first point of contact for couples in marital distress, yet many lack formal training in counselling methods, leading to inconsistencies in practice and, at times, the misuse of pastoral authority. Similarly, Moeti, Madigele and Moeti (2024) observed that in Botswana, premarital counselling within church settings is often conducted without structured programmes or professional oversight, limiting its long-term effectiveness. These findings converge on the observation that, while pastors occupy a crucial position of trust and accessibility within African communities, their capacity to provide effective marital counselling is frequently constrained by limited training, cultural complexity, and the absence of professional collaboration. This highlights the need for empirical research that explores pastoral experiences in counselling African couples and develops contextually sensitive, theologically grounded models of care suited to Africa’s evolving marital landscape.
This article presents empirical findings from research conducted among three Christian denominations in Zimbabwe, focusing on how church members perceive and respond to the tensions between African indigenous traditions and Western cultural influences in contemporary marriages. The study explores two central questions: (1) What are the views and experiences of church and community members regarding marital tensions at the interface of African indigenous tradition and Western influence? and (2) How can these views inform effective pastoral interventions to support African couples experiencing such tensions? The discussion outlines the research methodology, analyses the diverse perspectives and lived experiences of church and community members, and examines the implications of these findings for pastoral care practice. Finally, the article offers recommendations for contextually sensitive pastoral interventions aimed at alleviating the challenges faced by modern African couples navigating the intricate interplay between tradition and contemporary societal influences.
Building on this contextual and theoretical understanding of contemporary marriage of indigenous African marriage and its contemporary tensions, the study adopts a structured approach to explore how these dynamics are experienced and addressed within church communities. It is grounded in the ubuntu relational ontology of marriage, complemented by insights from covenantal pastoral theology. Within the African worldview, ubuntu affirms that human existence is relational, and one’s identity is realised through communion with others. Marriage, therefore, is not merely a private contract but a communal covenant that integrates social, spiritual, and ancestral dimensions (Baloyi 2022; Louw 2020; Magezi 2019). From a Christian perspective, the covenantal ontology of marriage reflects divine relationality and faithfulness, grounding marital union in God’s self-giving love (Eph 5:25–33). These frameworks provide a hermeneutical lens for interpreting the participants’ narratives, revealing how African and Western or Christian constructs of marriage intersect, clash, and co-exist within the lived realities of modern African couples.
The following section outlines the research methodology, detailing the strategies of inquiry, sampling techniques, and ethical considerations employed in the study. It also explains how data were collected and analysed to capture the nuanced perspectives of church and community members, thereby providing a robust foundation for interpreting the empirical findings.
Methodology and data analysis
Creswell and Creswell (2018:443) identify three primary strategies of inquiry in empirical research: qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods. Given the nature and complexity of the research problem, this study adopted a qualitative approach, enabling an in-depth exploration of participants’ perspectives and lived experiences.
A purposive sampling strategy was employed to select participants who could provide rich, relevant insights into the intersection of African indigenous traditions and Western influences in marriage. The study involved 21 participants who were born and raised in the African context, representing three distinct religious traditions: Evangelical, Pentecostal, and White Garment churches. One church was purposively selected from each group – United Baptist Church of Zimbabwe (Evangelical), Glad Tidings Church (Pentecostal), and Mugodhi Church (White Garment). The sample comprised 18 congregants (six from each church) and three pastors (one from each church) (see Table 1).
Participant selection was guided by marriage experience. Following the prohibition of child marriages in most African countries and the subsequent increase in the legal marriageable age to 18 years and above (Mwambene 2018:540–546), the study included only individuals aged 25 years and older, ensuring that participants had a minimum of 5 years of marital experience. An age gap of at least 20 years between the youngest and oldest participants allowed for comparative insights across different life stages, providing a richer understanding of marital dynamics over time.
Data collection employed Key Informant Interviews using a video and/or voice recorder and a notebook. All interviews were recorded, transcribed verbatim, and analysed using thematic analysis to identify key patterns, categories, and emerging themes.
To ensure the rigour and credibility of the research, the study adhered to established qualitative trustworthiness criteria (Lincoln & Guba 1985). Credibility was enhanced through prolonged engagement with participants and the use of member checking, where participants were allowed to review and verify their statements for accuracy. Dependability was maintained by providing a clear and detailed description of the research design, data collection, and analysis procedures, allowing for potential replication in similar contexts. Transferability was supported by offering rich, thick descriptions of the research context and participants, enabling readers to determine the applicability of the findings to other settings. Confirmability was ensured through the maintenance of an audit trail, which included raw data, field notes, and analytic memos, thereby demonstrating that the findings emerged from the participants’ accounts rather than researcher bias or assumptions.
Data presentation
The following were the themes that emerged in the study.
Theme 1: The communal and familial nature of African marriage traditions
Participants demonstrated an in-depth understanding of African marital customs, highlighting their communal and extended family dimensions. Marriage was described as a union that transcends the couple, embedding them within a broader kinship network.
In the Shona tradition, for example, both partners are expected to visit each other’s families before any marriage negotiations (KII 4 Glad Tidings), as ‘both the boy and the girl in a courtship relationship [should] visit each other’s family before any marriage negotiation’. Such practices are reinforced through symbolic acts of commitment, such as chigondiso – a gift exchange facilitated by aunts – where, as one participant noted, ‘in the past, the aunties would make these two give each other a gift of their commitment to each other, which in Shona is called “chigondiso”’ (KII 15 Mugodhi Church).
Participants also emphasised the extended family’s active role in lobola proceedings. Beyond binding the couple, lobola was described as a practice that ‘ties two families together’ (KIIs 15 & 16 Mugodhi Church). The process involves a mediator [munyai] and culminates in joint celebrations, which symbolise and reinforce the unity between the two families.
Theme 2: Familial responsibilities, gender roles and patriarchal norms in African marriage traditions
Participants highlighted that marriage in African contexts entails responsibilities that extend beyond the couple to include caring for parents, siblings and other relatives. This expectation was underscored by KIIs 13 and 14 (United Baptist Church), who opposed the modern practice of sending elderly parents to care facilities. As expressed in Shona, ‘muroora anochengeta vabereki nehama dzemurume wake, mukwasha mukoko haaperi kudyiwa nehama dzemukadzi wake’ – meaning a daughter-in-law cares for her husband’s family, and a son-in-law is expected to continuously provide for his wife’s family (KII 6, Mugodhi Church). Such sentiments reflect the centrality of extended family obligations in African marriage.
Building on this emphasis on familial interconnectedness, participants also identified the patriarchal nature of many African marriage traditions. KIIs 5, 6, 12, 15, 19, and 20 (Glad Tidings, United Baptist, and Mugodhi) described how the wife is expected to respect her husband as head of the household. In Shona tradition, ‘murume haadaidzwi nezita, mukadzi anodaidzwa nezita remwana wake … kana vana vasati vavepo, murume anonzi “baba,” mukadzi achidaidzwa ne surname yemurume’ [a husband cannot be called by his name, a wife should be called by her child’s name. If no children yet, a husband is called ‘father’, and a wife is called by her husband’s surname]. This respect is often linked to the payment of lobola, which also influences decision-making authority. As one participant stated, ‘marriage decisions should ultimately be attributed to the husband; the husband is responsible for decisions made. The tradition is patriarchal’ (KII 8, United Baptist Church). Similarly, KII 5 (Glad Tidings) noted that ‘a wife does not need to challenge her husband with words or actions’, although some acknowledged that wives may contribute to decisions while recognising the husband’s final authority.
Participants also emphasised culturally defined gender roles. For instance, KII 12 stated, ‘muchivanhu chedu mukadzi anga asingatarisirwi kuenda kubasa’ [in Shona tradition, a woman was expected to stay at home and care for the children, while the man provided materially]. Even when a man fails to provide, he retains his position as head of the household, and the wife is expected to remain loyal.
Childbearing was described as central to marital life. According to KIIs 8, 6, 20, and 21 (United Baptist, Glad Tidings, & Mugodhi), in cases of childlessness, the wife often faces stigma from in-laws, with no recognition of the husband’s potential infertility. For example, one participant reported insults such as ‘arikungodya sadza, ngaaende titsvage mumwe’ [she is just here to eat sadza or pap; it is better for her to go so that we can find another wife] (KIIs 20; 21). Bearing many children is seen as a way to strengthen and expand the family.
Finally, some participants recognised the acceptance of polygamy in African culture. As stated by KIIs 2, 4, and 17 (Glad Tidings and Mugodhi), ‘murume anotenderwa kuita barika asi mukadzi haabvumirwi’ [a man may marry multiple wives, but a woman may not]. Besides, one female participant grudgingly expressed disapproval: ‘zvinonzi varume havagoni kurarama nemukadzi mumwe, itsika yavo kuda kuroora vakadzi vakawanda, hapana zvavangaitwe’ [men are said to be unable to live with one woman, and it is considered their custom to marry several wives, with nothing that can be done about it] (KII 12 United Baptist Church). In this context, it is challenging to trace men’s marital unfaithfulness as it is often perceived as a form of personal freedom.
Theme 3: Western ideas that distort, influence or change the African traditional understanding and practice of marriage
Participants reflected on how Western ideas have shaped, and in some cases distorted, African marriage traditions. They discussed these influences in terms of shifts in family structure, changes in marital roles, and evolving attitudes towards childbearing.
The first area of concern raised by participants was the shift from the African extended family model to the Western nuclear family system. One elderly participant criticised the Western idea of newly married couples living alone after the wedding, stating:
‘Nowadays, young couples want to go and stay alone soon after the wedding because they do not want any more parental advice or guidance. They think they can stand all by themselves!’ (KII 5, Glad Tidings)
This reflects the Western norm in which couples establish independent households, contrasting with the African tradition of continued parental involvement. Participants from the United Baptist Church (KIIs 13, 14) contrasted these models directly, remarking that ‘the Western culture places emphasis on the nuclear family versus the extended family; if adopted by African couples, it leads to a distortion of “ubuntu”’ (African concept that shows the communal nature of African people) that ‘most married couples in the contemporary Africa are adopting the nuclear family system … (which) has rebelled against the African significance of a family’, and that ‘the nucleus family system … has devalued marriages as a result’. From an African perspective, this system is viewed as limiting the love and unity among extended family members. As one Mugodhi participant explained, in Western culture ‘a member of the extended family cannot just visit without making an appointment first’ (KIIs 17; 18; 19).
Closely related to this change in family structure are differences in marriage customs. According to KIIs 1, 2, 9, and 10 (Glad Tidings & United Baptist), Western marriages generally exclude the extended family from partner selection, and after the wedding, the couple is free to live independently. By contrast, in African tradition, the bride is expected to follow customs such as kuperekwa (formal accompanying of the bride to her husband’s home) and kubikiswa (instruction by the husband’s family on household expectations), regardless of the couple’s fatigue after wedding celebrations (KIIs 5, 13).
Participants also discussed the Western approach to gender roles, noting its divergence from African cultural norms. In many African contexts, roles within marriage are culturally prescribed, with a clear distinction between male and female responsibilities:
‘It has been our African tradition that men should not cook or change the baby’s diaper, but the advocacy of gender equality in the West has influenced us as well. Now men are forced to be in the kitchen and to change the baby’s diaper.’ (KII 17, Mugodhi)
This advocacy of gender equality, according to KII 4 (Glad Tidings), extends to equal responsibilities, educational and employment opportunities for wives, and joint decision-making. While most male participants criticised gender equality as foreign to African culture, many female participants welcomed it as empowering. One woman observed, ‘gender equality, if given a good balance, helps most women in marriage. Most men are now happy to babysit, while a wife enjoys some rest!’ (KIIs 2; 4 Glad Tidings). Nevertheless, from a traditional viewpoint, such freedoms are considered alien, and men who embrace them risk being labelled ‘wakadyiswa’– ‘he has been charmed by his wife’ (KIIs 15; 16 Mugodhi).
The discussion then turned to the differing attitudes towards childbearing. In Western culture, participants noted, having children is optional, and couples may remain childless without significant social pressure (KIIs 7; 8, Glad Tidings & United Baptist). This contrasts sharply with African expectations, where childbearing is central to marriage. The older generation, in particular, condemns family planning, as reflected in the statement by KII 20 (Mugodhi): ‘family planning methods promote promiscuity among women because they can choose to sleep with anyone without getting pregnant’. This comment underscores the enduring view that children are vital to marriage in African culture, while in Western contexts, they are often seen as a matter of personal choice.
Theme 4: Understandings of the tensions between African and Western values or ideals governing African marriages
Participants demonstrated awareness of the complex tensions arising from the intersection of African and Western traditions in modern African marriages. While some have embraced Western ideas, others remain critical, viewing them as distortions of long-held customs. These tensions manifest in multiple relational contexts, between husbands and wives, between parents and their married children, and within the broader community, often influencing the stability and harmony of marital relationships.
The most frequently discussed source of tension concerned changes in gender roles within marriage. Participants described scenarios in which Western notions of gender equality and women’s empowerment have disrupted traditional hierarchies. As one participant from Glad Tidings observed:
‘Most women are now abusing the Western thought of gender equality and women’s empowerment. Some are given a chance to cross borders in search of greener pastures, but they end up divorcing their husbands. Some are given the opportunity to go to work, but they end up sleeping with their bosses.’ (KII 4, Glad Tidings)
In another case, a woman’s higher earnings shifted the perceived balance of authority within her marriage:
‘The husband allowed his wife to go to work … she began to challenge her husband’s authority and at one point asked him to leave the house. This caused serious tension, which resulted in divorce.’ (KII 5, Glad Tidings)
While many acknowledged these conflicts, participants stressed that ‘the Western culture cannot be blamed for this; it is the modern African couples who have adopted other ideologies that they do not know how to implement wisely’ (KIIs 13;14 United Baptist Church). Nonetheless, men’s continued expectation to remain ‘the head of the household and the family’ has made gender role changes a significant point of contention.
Closely linked to gender role disputes is the question of personal freedom. Traditionally, decision-making and freedom of expression were vested in the man, whereas Western teaching encourages women to speak up. Participants cited complaints from Shona men: ‘Mazuva ano mukadzi ave kutomira achiramba zvinenge zvichitaurwa nemurume wake. Makare edu kwaive kusina zvakadaro’ [nowadays, a woman can challenge her husband’s decision. It was never like that in the past] (KIIs 5; 12 Glad Tidings & United Baptist Church). For some men, such challenges to authority are unacceptable, and in some instances, they escalate into physical conflict (KII 6 Glad Tidings).
The tension extends beyond the couple to broader family relationships, particularly around individualism versus communal life. Participants contrasted the communal orientation of African tradition with the individualistic tendencies of Western culture. In the past, extended family members could visit without notice, but now, ‘when a member of the extended family wants to come and visit the new young family, they are expected to first make an appointment’ (KII 17 Mugodhi). Moreover, some relatives are excluded from major events such as weddings or funerals. According to KII 17 (Mugodhi), these individualistic practices ‘undermine communal life and devalue African tradition’.
Western religious practices and marital formalities also emerged as a source of strain, particularly in the preference for church weddings over African customary marriages. Participants explained that missionaries condemned customary marriage as ‘demonic and primitive’, leading to its diminished status. ‘The church has adopted the Western way of marriage and made it part of the Gospel’, noted one respondent, while another added, ‘Vanopihwa zvinzvimbo zveutungamiriri muchurch ndeavo vane muchato nekuti vanonzi ndivo vakaperera’ [positions of leadership in the church are given to those with a white wedding and are considered as the holier ones] (KIIs 7; 9; 10 Mugodhi & United Baptist Church). Tensions arise when one spouse or the bride’s parents insist on a ‘white wedding’ for status or eligibility in church leadership, creating pressure and conflict.
Incidentally, technology, particularly social media, was described as a modern driver of marital tension. One participant observed that ‘some couples have the internet and the social media as their role model; yet social media has people from different walks of life who think differently’ (KII 18 Mugodhi). A cited case involved a woman who divorced her husband after seeing online campaigns for women’s independence, only to realise ‘the grass is not always greener on the other side’. Participants noted that while technology can offer benefits, exposure to explicit content, foreign values, and online comparisons can generate unrealistic expectations, unnecessary competition, and marital conflict.
Additionally, generational differences emerged across all three churches. Older participants were unequivocal in their commitment to maintaining African cultural values in contemporary marriages. They expressed concern that adopting Western marital ideals such as gender equality, nuclear family structures, and individual autonomy would erode the communal and moral foundations of African marriage. In contrast, younger participants were more open to incorporating selected Western values, particularly those that promote mutual respect, partnership, and shared decision-making between spouses. They viewed these elements as compatible with Christian teaching and as necessary adaptations to the realities of modern life. This generational contrast highlights a key source of tension within African marriages – balancing the preservation of cultural heritage with the integration of beneficial modern influences.
Finally, differences in religious belief were noted as a persistent source of discord. Before the 1800s, Christianity was foreign to African societies, and its introduction by missionaries often clashed with traditional spiritual practices. Tensions arise when spouses or in-laws have differing religious beliefs. In one example, a Christian couple refused a customary ritual after the birth of their child, leading the husband’s parents to feel deeply disrespected: ‘Muroora muKristu akazvara mwana … vamwene naTezvara vakati rukuvhute ngaruchererwe pasi … asi muroora nemurume wake vakaramba nekuti havatenderani nazvo’ [a Christian daughter-in-law gave birth, and her in-laws told her to bury the umbilical cord, but she and her husband refused because they did not believe in it] (KIIs 6; 8; 9 Glad Tidings & United Baptist Church). Such clashes highlight the enduring tension between Christian doctrine and African traditional religious practices within marriage.
The preceding section has outlined four interrelated themes emerging from the participants’ narratives: the communal and familial nature of African marriage traditions, the shared responsibilities embedded within these traditions, the influence of gender roles and patriarchal norms, and how Western ideas distort, influence, or transform traditional understandings of marriage. These themes are not isolated but intersect in complex ways, reflecting both continuity and change in African marital practices. The following discussion engages these themes critically, drawing on existing scholarship to illuminate how they shape, sustain, and, at times, challenge the lived realities of marriage in contemporary African contexts.
Discussion and analysis
The empirical findings from research conducted among three Christian denominations in Zimbabwe focus on how church members perceive and respond to the tensions between African indigenous traditions and Western cultural influences in contemporary marriages (Table 2). The responses from the participants indicate a nuanced understanding of the African tradition of marriage, reflecting both awareness of its cultural significance and recognition of its evolving interpretations. The data suggest that older participants tend to hold more traditional views, demonstrating a firm adherence to established norms and practices, such as the communal nature of marriage, the role of extended family in marital arrangements, and the centrality of procreation within marital unions. In Africa, elders often emphasise the continuity and essence of traditional marital values, highlighting the importance of marriage as an institution that sustains lineage, community cohesion, and intergenerational responsibility.
| TABLE 2: Differences between Western and African traditions of marriage. |
In contrast, younger participants, while still knowledgeable about African marital traditions, exhibited a greater openness to Western marital ideals. They acknowledged the cultural importance of traditional practices but were more receptive to concepts such as individual choice, egalitarian gender roles and nuclear family structures. This generational distinction illustrates a dynamic tension in contemporary African marriages: on one hand, there is a desire to preserve the integrity of traditional practices; on the other, there is a pragmatic adaptation to modern societal influences, including legal reforms, educational exposure and globalised cultural norms. This is substantiated by Baloyi (2023), who highlights the greater exposure of younger couples to Western influences compared to older people. Baloyi (2023) posits:
The move that many people, the young in specific, are making to urbanised areas usually means that the elderly are left behind in rural villages, perhaps at their own request or because the properties in the city or town are smaller in size. This means young families or couples live independently, away from parents and elders. (p. 162)
The resultant effect is the preference of modern Western ideas on marriage and on how to lead their lives, such as independent decision-making without parental interference, the focus on the nuclear family, and so forth, versus parent-influenced decisions and the importance of the extended family structure (Ndhlovu & Naidoo 2023:14).
Participants consistently highlighted that there are more differences than similarities between African and Western conceptions of marriage, reflecting a recognition that African marital traditions are unique and deeply embedded in the social, cultural, and spiritual fabric of African societies (Madukwe & Madukwe 2010:264). This perspective underscores the distinctiveness of African marriage practices, which prioritise communal involvement, intergenerational responsibilities, and the preservation of lineage, in contrast to Western models that often emphasise individual autonomy, nuclear family structures, and personal choice.
A recurring theme among participants is the perception that Western ideals and the Christian faith have exerted a strong influence on African marital practices, often creating tensions for couples who feel compelled to navigate between traditional norms and imported frameworks. This observation aligns with Madukwe and Madukwe’s (2010:264) characterisation of Western influence as a form of ‘cultural imperialism’, which, while introducing certain positive transformations, also challenges the continuity and integrity of indigenous African practices.
Notably, participants acknowledged that some aspects of Western influence have brought tangible benefits to African marriages. These include broader access to education for both men and women, increased individual autonomy in decision-making without undue interference from extended family members, recognition of property rights, and the ability for couples to make informed choices regarding family size and reproductive decisions. Madondo, Dhobha and Mutema (2025) note:
Traditionally, gender roles in African marriages were rigidly defined, with men assuming the role of the breadwinner and decision-maker, while women were primarily responsible for the household and child-rearing. However, the increasing access to education and employment opportunities for women has facilitated a shift towards more egalitarian partnerships Women are now demanding equal say in financial and family decisions, which challenges the patriarchal structure that has traditionally defined African marriage. (p. 514)
Such developments are viewed as enhancements that, if integrated thoughtfully, can coexist with African traditions without undermining cultural identity.
At the same time, participants emphasised the importance of safeguarding African identity, cautioning against uncritical adoption of Western practices that could lead to cultural erosion. This dual awareness illustrates the participants’ aptitude in critically identifying both the strengths and limitations of Western influences while maintaining a commitment to traditional values. It also highlights the imperative for a balanced approach in the interface between African marital traditions and Western influences, one that selectively embraces beneficial innovations while preserving the core elements of cultural identity and communal responsibility (Madondo et al. 2025:512).
The findings demonstrate a sophisticated understanding among participants of the complex interplay between tradition and modernity. Their reflections suggest that effective pastoral and community support for African couples requires strategies that respect and reinforce cultural heritage, while also enabling the adoption of practices that promote individual well-being and relational equity.
Participants highlighted the presence of significant tension in many African marriages arising from the influence of Western and Christian ideals. As previously discussed, African marital traditions are distinctive, rooted in communal responsibility, intergenerational continuity, and culturally embedded practices such as lobola, extended family involvement and polygamy. The introduction of Western norms, coupled with the Christian church’s insistence on formal church weddings, has often generated resistance among individuals and families who maintain a strong attachment to these traditional practices.
Most older participants portrayed the shift from customary marriage traditions to formal church-based weddings as disruptive and, in some cases, unwelcome. They perceive the new practices, including changed rituals, rules, and lifestyle expectations, as a departure from valued African customs, highlighting generational differences in attitudes towards marriage. Older couples tend to exhibit rigidity in maintaining traditional practices, whereas younger couples often demonstrate greater flexibility and openness to integrating Western and Christian elements into their marital lives. This divergence in perspectives contributes to a spectrum of tensions within contemporary African marriages.
The study further revealed that even within generational cohorts, couples may hold differing opinions regarding the adoption of Western marital ideals, leading to relational strain. In extreme cases, these tensions manifest as interpersonal conflict, neglect, abandonment, gender-based violence, or even divorce. Idang (2015:107) observes that such strain often arises when African individuals struggle to reconcile ‘their primitive beliefs in certain aspects of their culture and the supposedly modern mode of accepted behaviour’, resulting in uncertainty and conflict in familial and marital relationships.
The research highlights the phenomenon of ‘dual allegiance’ among some African couples, who attempt to navigate both traditional and Westernised frameworks simultaneously. Others choose to adhere exclusively to traditional approaches, while some reject particular traditional beliefs in favour of Westernised practices. This division underscores the heterogeneous responses to Western influence within African marriages and reflects broader societal debates regarding cultural preservation, modernisation and adaptation. The resulting tensions extend beyond the marital dyad, affecting relationships with extended family members, community networks, and church structures.
The findings indicate that the interplay between African marital traditions and Western ideals is complex and multifaceted, requiring a nuanced understanding. These tensions do not merely reflect generational or individual differences; they are symptomatic of broader cultural negotiations taking place within African societies. Effective pastoral and community engagement, therefore, must address these tensions sensitively, recognising the diverse perspectives of couples and families while promoting reconciliation, mutual understanding, and culturally informed approaches to marital well-being.
Areas recommended for pastoral intervention
Participants recommended several key areas for pastoral intervention by the church to support African couples navigating marital tensions.
Firstly, there was a strong emphasis on the need for the church to train its clergy in effectively addressing the diverse challenges arising from clashes between African traditions and Western influences. As highlighted by KII 10 and another participant:
‘[M]y husband and I have once tried seeking help from the church leaders, but there was no help given. The church leaders that we approached did not even know how to help us in our situation. It was from that time that we decided to solve our problems.’ (KII 9, United Baptist Church)
This testimony underscores the gap in clergy preparedness to respond to contemporary marital issues and highlights the need for targeted training programmes.
Participants also stressed that the church should create safer platforms for couples to discuss their challenges openly. A participant recommended that the church invite secular marital educators to provide guidance, noting that:
‘[S]ecular teachers are more open-minded than the clergy in the church because they deal with Christians and non-Christians. Thus, they are more knowledgeable about the problems that modern African couples are facing.’ (KII 9, United Baptist Church)
This suggestion reflects the perceived limitations of clergy who may lack exposure to contemporary marital dynamics.
Secondly, a further recommendation was the establishment of a formal confidentiality policy within the church. Participants expressed concern that, in the absence of such a policy, clergy and church leaders might mishandle sensitive information. Implementing a confidentiality framework would ensure accountability and foster trust between couples and church leaders.
Thirdly, the need for contextualisation of marital problems was another critical recommendation:
‘… the church should understand that culture is dynamic. This calls the church to adopt Western and African traditional marriage ideas that are biblical. The church should not be biased toward any culture that is far from the truth of the Gospel. This will help the church to contextualise and move with the times.’ (KII 7, Glad Tidings)
This perspective highlights the importance of a balanced approach that integrates culturally relevant practices with biblical principles.
Fourthly, participants also suggested engaging African marriage counsellors and educators who are well-versed in traditional practices. KII 17 (Mugodhi) noted that these professionals possess knowledge of African marital traditions and the effects of Western influence, enabling them to mediate tensions between differing cultural expectations and to train clergy to better support couples.
Fifthly, clarity on biblical principles was another key recommendation. Participants emphasised that the church should distinguish between local cultural practices and the core values of the Gospel, thereby enabling congregants to make informed choices regarding which cultural practices to follow within the framework of their faith.
Finally, participants argued that the church should extend its engagement beyond its walls to address secular influences:
‘… The church is very ignorant of the secular world’s beliefs, which are either directly or indirectly affecting its people. For example, most Christians are not aware of the new marriage laws and their implications in Zimbabwe yet. Most of them will begin to seek this information when they are already in trouble. The church can help educate its people about legal and other secular marital rules and problems, so that the congregants are not caught unaware.’ (KII 8, United Baptist Church)
This underscores the importance of the church adopting a proactive role in educating congregants about legal, social, and cultural developments affecting marital life.
Collectively, these recommendations indicate that effective pastoral intervention must combine clergy training, culturally contextualised guidance, professional counselling support, clear biblical teaching, confidentiality safeguards, and engagement with secular realities to holistically support African couples in navigating the complexities of contemporary marriages.
The church and the public
The church stands as a cornerstone institution in African societies, wielding profound influence over the social, moral, and spiritual dimensions of community life (Nanthambwe & Magezi 2024). Its role in addressing the multifaceted challenges faced by African marriages, ranging from cultural shifts due to globalisation, economic pressures, gender dynamics, to evolving family structures, is both critical and complex (Baloyi 2022). As a deeply embedded institution, the church not only provides spiritual guidance but also serves as a public sphere for moral and relational discourse, shaping marital practices and offering solutions to contemporary challenges (Madondo et al. 2025; Nanthambwe 2024).
As Magezi (2019:1) asserts, ‘the church is a central community structure, deeply embedded in the social and spiritual fabric of African societies’. This centrality stems from the church’s historical and ongoing presence in African communities, where it often serves as a trusted institution for guidance, conflict resolution and communal bonding. In many African contexts, the church transcends its religious function, acting as a social hub where families navigate issues such as marital disputes, financial stress, and intergenerational tensions (Makumbini 2025). For instance, in rural and urban settings alike, churches offer marriage counselling, premarital education, and community support networks, which are vital for addressing challenges like infidelity, domestic violence, and economic instability that strain modern African marriages (Makumbini 2025:160).
Tracy (1981) emphasises that:
[T]he church serves as one of the primary public spheres, alongside the academy and society, where moral and religious discourse occurs, positioning it as a critical agent in addressing societal issues. (p. 15)
This role is particularly significant in African marriages, where moral and ethical questions – such as fidelity, gender roles, and family planning – require nuanced engagement. The church, as a public sphere, creates spaces for sermons, workshops, and community forums where these issues are openly discussed, often drawing on biblical principles to guide behaviour. But how does the church intervene in the issues of the public?
The church’s engagement in societal issues is conceptualised as public theology. Public theology is a form of theological reflection that extends beyond the internal concerns of the church to address both ecclesial and non-ecclesial challenges. Its significance lies in its dual focus: while remaining rooted in Christian faith and tradition, it actively engages with social, political, and economic issues in the broader society. As Mannion (2009:122) observes, public theology is concerned with ‘ecclesiological questions’ that examine the role and relevance of the church in secular and pluralist contexts. Similarly, Kim (2017:40), in the chapter ‘Public Theology in the History of Christianity’, defines public theology as a ‘critical, reflective, and reasoned engagement of theology in society aimed at advancing the Kingdom of God, particularly for the benefit of the poor and marginalised’. This perspective underscores the church’s responsibility not only to nurture faith communities but also to contribute meaningfully to the moral and social well-being of the wider public.
Church’s engagement in public issues is paramount to its mission (Kim 2017). Drawing from Matthew 5:13–14, where Jesus identifies his disciples as the ‘light of the world’ and the ‘salt of the earth’, Gaga, Masengwe and Dube (2023:61) argue that ‘the church, encompassing legal, theological, religious, political, social, and economic dimensions, possesses the legitimacy to engage in public life and contribute meaningfully to societal well-being’. This theological mandate underscores the church’s responsibility to actively participate in the moral and relational health of its community members, including in the context of marriage. The metaphors of ‘salt’ and ‘light’ in the marriage context imply a transformative and illuminating role, where the church is called to preserve moral integrity and guide couples towards healthy relationships.
Having established the church’s role in engaging public issues through the lens of public theology, it becomes evident that this engagement extends into the personal and relational spheres of society, including marriage. The church’s moral, social, and spiritual authority positions it to respond proactively to marital challenges, addressing both the tensions arising from cultural change and the individual needs of couples. Building on its public theological mandate, the following section identifies key areas where participants have identified areas for pastoral intervention to support African marriages, promote relational well-being, and mediate the complex interplay between tradition and modern influences.
Effective pastoral interventions to help dealing with marital tensions in Africa
Pastoral care within the African context must be both theologically grounded and culturally attuned to respond meaningfully to marital tensions that arise at the intersection of African and Western influences. As Baloyi (2022:1–2) and Ndhlovu and Naidoo (2023:14) note, marriage in African societies is embedded in communal life, where extended family involvement, lobola and intergenerational responsibility play a formative role. These values often clash with Western ideals of individuality and nuclear family autonomy, creating spaces of misunderstanding and relational strain. Effective pastoral intervention, therefore, requires approaches that affirm the integrity of African marriage customs while remaining open to the transformative insights of biblical and modern relational principles.
One key intervention is the contextualisation of pastoral counselling. Magezi (2019) and Louw (2020) emphasise that pastoral practice in Africa must move beyond imported Western counselling models and instead engage emic knowledge systems, cultural idioms, and spiritual values familiar to African couples. Pastors need to adopt what Baloyi (2023:162) calls an African hermeneutic of care, where counselling addresses marital problems within the cultural and social frameworks that define meaning for couples. For example, instead of dismissing lobola or extended family participation as unbiblical, pastors can reinterpret these practices as expressions of covenantal community that mirror the biblical understanding of marriage as a relational covenant (Eph 5:25–33). Such a hermeneutical approach preserves cultural dignity while promoting Christian principles of mutual respect and faithfulness.
Another effective strategy involves education and capacity building among clergy. Many pastors provide marital counselling without formal training in family systems or counselling skills, resulting in superficial interventions. As Madukwe and Madukwe (2010:264) caution, uncritical acceptance or rejection of Western norms can perpetuate confusion among believers. Structured pastoral training that combines biblical theology, cultural anthropology and practical counselling methods would better equip ministers to respond to complex marital challenges such as gender-based violence, infertility stigma, or intergenerational conflict. Ndhlovu and Naidoo (2023:16) further argue that the church should develop ongoing programmes for clergy mentorship and reflection on how socio-cultural change influences family life. This would enhance both the quality and the contextual relevance of pastoral care.
A third area of intervention is promoting dialogue and reconciliation between tradition and modernity. Pastoral leaders can create platforms – such as workshops, couple fellowships, and intergenerational forums – where congregants discuss marital expectations openly. Such spaces allow older and younger members to exchange perspectives on cultural continuity and change, fostering mutual understanding and communal solidarity. Baloyi (2022:3) and Mbiti (1991:133) both affirm that African marriage is a collective enterprise; pastoral initiatives that revive communal dialogue help reduce tension by situating marriage within its broader social and theological significance. By mediating rather than polarising cultural differences, pastors model what Louw (2020) calls cura vitae – the healing of life through relational wholeness.
Finally, integration of professional and pastoral care can enhance effectiveness. While pastoral counselling provides spiritual and moral guidance, collaboration with trained counsellors can ensure that psychological, legal, or gender issues are addressed holistically. Such collaboration aligns with the call by Baloyi (2023:170) for a multidisciplinary and community-based approach to family care. Through partnerships with Christian counsellors, legal advisors, and community elders, churches can support couples more comprehensively and ethically.
Effective pastoral interventions for addressing marital tensions in Africa must embrace cultural awareness, theological depth and practical competence. By contextualising counselling, investing in pastoral training, promoting intergenerational dialogue and encouraging professional collaboration, the church can mediate between African traditions and Western influences in ways that restore relational harmony and uphold both cultural integrity and Christian faith.
Conclusion and summary
The analysed data revealed several key insights regarding African marriages and the tensions arising from the interaction between African and Western marital traditions.
Firstly, participants demonstrated a strong aptitude for understanding and identifying the core aspects of traditional African marriage. These include extended family involvement, lobola (bride wealth) payment, clearly defined gender roles, a patriarchal social structure, condemnation of barrenness, and the practice of polygamy, among others. The study also revealed generational differences in attitudes towards these traditions. Older participants exhibited rigid adherence to traditional practices and resisted changes or alternative approaches, whereas younger participants, while knowledgeable about these traditions, expressed greater flexibility in integrating Western marital ideologies that they deemed beneficial.
Secondly, the study examined the influence of Western ideas on African marriages. Western cultural and marital norms – such as the focus on nuclear families, individualism, flexible gender roles, autonomy in decisions regarding marriage and childbearing, and other aspects of ‘modern’ life – were reported to have a significant impact. Older participants often perceived these influences as distorting African traditions and undermining the values they uphold. The mixed reception of Western practices underscores the potential for tension in contemporary marriages and highlights a critical role for the church in educating congregants on the impact of these influences.
Thirdly, participants demonstrated a clear understanding of the sources of marital tension resulting from the clash of African and Western traditions. Tensions were identified at familial, religious, marital and cultural levels, manifesting in disputes over gender roles, extended family involvement, and conflicting expectations between spouses. Such tensions often arise when one partner or family member embraces Western practices while the other adheres strictly to traditional norms. These findings indicate a need for intentional pastoral engagement to help couples navigate these challenges within church spaces and ministry programmes.
Finally, participants proposed practical models to support couples in managing these tensions. Recommended strategies include: creating safe spaces for open discussion, contextualising marital problems within both African and biblical frameworks, training church leaders to provide culturally informed guidance, clarifying biblical principles on marriage, and engaging with secular knowledge and societal developments to better support couples. Collectively, these recommendations point to a comprehensive pastoral approach that integrates cultural sensitivity, biblical fidelity, and practical guidance to strengthen contemporary African marriages.
Acknowledgements
This article is based on research originally conducted as part of Primrose Makumbini’s doctoral thesis titled ‘Coping with the tension between tradition and Western influences on African marriages: A study in public, pastoral care’ submitted to the faculty of theology, North-West University in 2024. The thesis was supervised by Vhumani Magezi. The manuscript has since been revised and adapted for journal publication. The original thesis is currently unpublished and was not publicly available online at the time of publishing this article. The authors affirm that this submission complies with ethical standards for secondary publication, and appropriate acknowledgement has been made to the original work.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors’ contributions
P.M., V.M. and P.N. reviewed the article, contributed to the discussion of results, approved the final version for submission and publication, and take responsibility for the integrity of its findings.
Ethical considerations
Ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the North-West University Theology Research Ethics Committee (TREC) (No. NWU-00857-23-A6).
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability
The authors confirm that the data supporting the findings of this study are available within the article and its references.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and are the product of professional research. They do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated institution, funder, agency, or that of the publisher. The authors are responsible for this article’s results, findings, and content.
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