Original Research

Women mourn, men carry on: Gendered dimensions of mourning in African contexts

Hundzukani P. Khosa

Received: 22 Apr. 2026; Accepted: 17 Aug. 2026; Published: 23 Sept. 2026

Copyright: © 2026. The Author. Licensee: AOSIS.
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

Abstract

It is common in African culture for a widow to wear black or navy clothes as a sign of mourning her husband upon his death. Widows in Africa are expected to mourn for a period of 12 months. Vows in Western culture state, ‘until death do us part’; this is not the case in African traditions. A widow is still considered married even after her husband’s death. There are mourning rituals that she must undergo as a widow to mourn her husband. There are rituals designed for widows by certain tribes or cultures which are influenced by that group’s beliefs and values and might not always make sense to those outside that group. Sometimes these rituals are practices rooted in the participants’ beliefs and values and those of their families, and are often passed down from generation to generation.

Contribution: This study aims to explore the ceremonies and practices administered to and for widows during their mourning period, using a literature review. This study also aims to explore Africa’s perspective on how men are expected to mourn differently when their spouses pass on and what role Practical Theology can play in response to these practices.

Keywords: mourning; grieving; culture; men; women; period; death; practical theology.

Introduction

Although grieving differs from culture to culture and from tribe to tribe, there are similarities in how Africans mourn the deceased. Grieving is supported both culturally and spiritually in many societies. According to Ngubane (1997:5), it usually comprises the core of beliefs and rituals, spiritual activities and expectations of behaviour that symbolise sorrow. Douglas (1996:1) claims that ritual recognises the potency of disorder, stating that ‘ritual expects to find powers and truths which cannot be reached by conscious effort in the disorder of the mind, in dreams, faints, and frenzies’. Manala (2015:1) contends that contemporary academia appears hesitant when considering African widowhood rites and the implications associated with them, and that the difficulties experienced by widows are not given enough consideration. African culture has always had mourning customs; they are not new. The researcher found commonalities between African customs while studying Tsonga mourning rites for her PhD thesis (Khosa-Nkatini, Wepener & Meyer 2020). Nhlapo (1991:137) asserts that there is a close link between how Africa values women and how Africans view marriage. Men and women in Africa are expected to mourn their spouses differently; women are expected to mourn when their husbands die, but their husbands are not expected to mourn in the same manner. According to Olukayode (2015):

[T]he travail of a widow begins immediately when her husband is declared dead; she is immediately made to go through various traditional rites, disregarding her pain and process of grieving. (p. 68)

African culture has always been male-dominated and still oppresses women, particularly widows who are mistreated by their own in-laws in the name of honouring and upholding tradition. Africans claim that these practices and beliefs are meant to protect widows rather than harm them, even though some of them are undoubtedly brutal and demean the very core of their womanhood. Some women immediately hand their cell phones to a close relative who will answer them on their behalf because they are cut off from the outside world during this period. The article explores the social, cultural, and religious ramifications following a husband’s death, as well as the historical evolution of widowhood customs. In addition to taking into account how these experiences are influenced by associated social and cultural situations, special attention is paid to the activities, limitations and types of treatment that widows endure. Therefore, the conversation places widowhood in the context of both a socially controlled state that affects women’s roles, involvement and treatment in their communities, as well as a personal experience of mourning.

Ethnography and literature review methodology

There are various ways to study human experience, some study it through reading it, and others through observation. The study of the social world has evolved significantly over the past century, developing a range of approaches that have become formalised into specific methodologies. As Bazeley (2013:4) notes, our interpretations are influenced by our unique personal, social and cultural backgrounds. This process of shaping our interpretive skills is crucial in everyday life because, as human beings, we act upon and affect others based on how we understand their identities and communications. The researcher’s choice of study was greatly impacted by her own experiences. Although she has not been a widow herself, she is an African lady who has served as a minister of the Word for more than 10 years and has taken care of widows both as a member of the African community and in her ministerial capacity. This is a prevalent feature among researchers, according to Bazeley (2013:4): we act and affect others based on our interpretations of what we see, hear and read. Matthew (2015:17) further stresses the importance of auto-ethnographic research in helping both insiders and outsiders gain awareness of the target culture.

The researcher will employ ethnography and a literature review for this study. Ellis, Adams and Bochner (2011:8) explains that in auto-ethnography, researchers retrospectively choose what to write about, often drawing epiphanies from their immersion in a particular culture or cultural identity. Literature is relevant to this study, as Jankowitz (1995:128–129) affirms that a literature review aims to summarise current knowledge by:

To generate and refine one’s ideas; and to provide a critical review that demonstrates:

• Awareness of the current state of knowledge in the subject.
• A synthesis of the resource showing the strengths and limitations, mission and bias.

Therefore, this study will conduct a literature review to provide a critical review with demonstrations of the African perspective on mourning.

Practical Theology as a critical theory for African widows

Van Wyk (1995:85) argues that the facts and theory do not exist independently; they interact and modify each other. Van Wyk (1995:85) further argues that Practical Theology must be a critical theory of religion if it is to influence praxis in society. To affirm this, Wepener (2014:6) argues that in sub-Saharan Africa there is a need for a specific understanding of liturgical inculturation. This need can be fulfilled with the understanding that it must be relevant to the context, in the sense of addressing African cultural realities and a distinctly African worldview, as well as the socio-political demands of liberation issues. Pobee (1979:25) argues that religion is one aspect of human existence, standing alongside other areas such as politics, economics and society. If a man is to have a balanced view of life and be able to live a full life, he must make provision for the study of each of the constituent aspects of human existence. Theology is concerned with the religious aspects of these items. The study will argue that even though theology is concerned with the religious aspects, it cannot ignore other aspects that involve a person’s beliefs and practices, in this context, cultural ritual practices. Therefore, Practical Theology should aim to help understand human experiences to care for individuals. These points indicate the need for a contextual approach in Practical Theology.

According to Mwakabana and Lutheran World Federation (2002:58), in African culture, a person needs to be buried properly. All funeral rituals must be performed for a proper transfer into the spiritual world. The immediate and extended family play a significant role in ensuring that the deceased ‘passes’ from one phase of life to another phase of life. When a person dies, it is believed that they have joined other relatives who have passed on before them. The joining is not just spiritual; it is also where the grave is. It is important to note that people are to be buried next to their ancestors. In Zulu culture, after a traditional burial, depending on the financial status of the family, an ox or a goat is slaughtered to ‘cleanse the hands’ of those who helped with the burial and to remove any contamination. According to Ntuli (2012), neighbours and friends are very supportive during the period of bereavement. They open their homes to friends and relatives who have travelled from far to pay their last respects. In most instances, a cordial relationship exists between people in the vicinity of the bereaved family. Neighbours spend days with the bereaved, helping them with some duties such as looking after those who came to attend the funeral, and they assist with cooking and welcoming mourners (Ntuli & Masuka 2008). Again, in Zulu culture, according to Hutchings (2007:196), death is considered a highly intensified form of contamination that originates from the corpse itself and requires dangers, precautions, and burial rites. Relatives of the dead are thought to be not only in a position of danger themselves and in need of unification but can also be a source of contamination to other people.

One cannot simply transport African rituals to Europe, or vice versa; to affirm this, Lukken (2005) argues the following about culture:

• ‘Culture is not the opposite of nature; one does not have the natural man first and then the cultural man.
• Human beings create culture, but the opposite is also true: human beings are created as humans by culture.
• No one culture has absolute value, and every culture is only relative.
• Symbols play a decisive role in culture.
• Every culture is exposed to the danger of becoming manipulative; this danger is related to the question of how power is distributed’.

Barnard, Cilliers and Wepener (2014:39) argue that liturgical rituals should be investigated in terms of their radical a-centre means and their dual-cultural and anthropological context. According to Barnard et al. (2014:39), culture is the direct and wider contexts in which liturgical rituals are performed; on the one hand, and people, that is, the participants or performers of that ritual, on the other hand, condition the performance, its shape, its look and sound.

Death rituals in the African context

The researcher has observed that in the African context, funeral and bereavement rituals are believed to be meant not to harm but to protect mourners; these rituals are meant to purify mourners. From a Western perspective, this might be strange or myth, but it is important in the African world. According to Olasinde (2012):

[I]n the Western part of the world, a funeral following a death is a private family matter, but in Nigeria, funerals, especially of an elder, are a major social event. This is not only in Nigeria but also in the rest of Africa. For most, if not all, Africans, funerals are a big event, and the attendance of many people is extremely important. (p. 2)

Olasinde (2012:2) defines bereavement as an emotional reaction to the passing of a relative or a friend.

Mhaka explains it this way (Mhaka 2014):

When a person dies, a ritual must be conducted to inform his consanguine of the death so that they will not encounter misfortunes. Death is believed to bring about mystical danger to the consanguine of the deceased. The ritual of informing the relative is meant to protect the consanguine of the decease. All relatives are usually informed about the death either by word of mouth or by some ritual act. (p. 9)

Shaving off a widow’s hair as part of her mourning is very common in the African context. Some argue that this is done to make the widow unattractive to other men. Others, however, argue that shaving off a widow’s hair reflects the seriousness of the widow’s grief for her late husband. According to Setsiba (2012:3), in most Farina cultures, these mourning rituals include, among others, cleansing, funeral ceremony, removal of hair, slaughtering of an animal, wearing black clothes and restriction on social activities for a stipulated time.

African perspective on mourning

In cases where the wife cheats, it would mean the end of the marriage; when a man cheats, it is culturally accepted, and the wife is expected to stay in her marriage and forgive her husband. When a widow enters a bus or taxi, in order not to expose other travellers to the widow’s evil spirits because they fear being contaminated, she must sit at the rear (Kotzé, Els & Rajuili-Masilo 2012:755). Mbiti, in Asuquo (2011:173), adds that death removes a person gradually from the ‘Sasa’ period to the ‘Zamani’. The Sasa period refers to the time of physical human existence on earth, and the period after death, during which the departed is remembered by relatives and friends who used to interact with her or him.

When a man dies, his wife not only takes the status of a widow, but she is also considered to be contaminated from contact with the dead. Hence, there is ‘purification’ at the end of the mourning period. This involves the widow being washed in a nearby river and having sex with a male identified by her in-laws. This practice in the 21st century does come with risks, such as sexually transmitted infections (STIs), human immunodeficiency virus and/or acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (HIV and/or AIDS) and unwanted pregnancy. In addition to the rules she will be given, a widow is not allowed to participate in or contribute to any social activities or public gatherings, such as weddings, funerals, parties and church services, as they are believed to be contaminated. According to Rosenblatt and Nkosi (2007:78), while practising Ukuzila [mourning], a widow is not allowed to attend weddings and during her mourning period. During the mourning period, widows were not allowed to attend any weddings or parties. If she insists on going to such events, she might be suspected of practising witchcraft; guests might also not be comfortable with her presence, so people always avoid her. Manyedi, Koen and Greeff (2003), in their research on the experience of widowhood of the Batswana people, quote a widow:

The in-laws can frustrate you; they have a lot to say according to our belief the blacks, when the husband dies the wife has contributed, but when the wife dies no, it’s normal. (p. 78)

If something bad happens to the neighbour, they are blamed because they are believed to be surrounded by bad luck until the mourning period is officially over and all rituals are performed correctly. Some deaths in African culture are not considered to be of natural causes, but rather the result of witchcraft; such beliefs might lead to anger and a desire for vengeance. The widow is always the first suspect when her husband dies, regardless of the cause of his death. She is often accused of witchcraft, and that may cause a rift in her relationship with her in-laws, and her sense of safety becomes questionable. She might also be feared by her community as someone who practises witchcraft, and that makes it harder for her to receive support from her in-laws and her own community (Rosenblatt & Nkosi 2007).

According to Mosley (2004:136), there is an assumption that witchcraft derives from a particular misfortune, from the intent of someone known to cause suffering and misfortune to the next person. When a husband dies, the wife becomes the first suspect regardless of the cause of his death; the motive might be her husband’s wealth. Hence, some widows in African cultures participate in the mourning rituals to clear their names and to prove that they did not kill their husbands. These practices are observed to determine the innocence of a woman about the death of her husband, and these burial rites are considered a necessity to prevent the spirits of the deceased from intruding (Durojaye 2013:8).

George (2012:192) argues that even though widowhood practices are cultural and obnoxious, some rites should be excluded because they are traumatic and devalue women emotionally and psychologically. Ewelukwa (2002:440) says that studying the position of widows in Africa has proven to create tensions and contradictions in the newly emerging state on the continent. Tensions exist between tradition and modernity, between the individual’s autonomy and group solidarity, and between an individual’s rights and duties. Ewelukwa (2002:440) further argues that a widow’s life is therefore invariably dependent on the decisions of others, particularly the decisions of men. According to Durojaye (2013:6), widowhood practices are not only for her protection; burial rituals are also performed to ensure that the link between the dead and the living remains intact. Thus, the period of mourning is marked by a series of life events and activities as a sign of respect for the soul of the departed husband. In certain African cultures, there is a belief that the dead still live among them; hence, some would use the term ‘he has passed on’ rather than ‘he is dead’. It is believed that only an animal dies, but a human being passes on to the land of the ancestors. The relationship between the dead and the living cannot be ended.

According to Fasoranti and Aruna (2014:3), widowhood is the result of the death of a husband followed by grieving. Fasoranti and Aruna (2014:13) defines grief as a complex emotional reaction that arises from losing a spouse, and the attendant difficulties and distress that come with the loss. Olukayode (2015:67) adds that upon the death of a spouse, the surviving partner assumes a new status. If a woman loses her husband, she takes the status of a widow, and if she dies, her husband becomes a widower. The loss is a traumatic experience for most people; losing a partner is an experience better imagined than lived. Some argue that it is degrading when widows are subjected to untold hardship and maltreated by their in-laws and by society in general. Chukwu-Okoronkwo (2015:71) argues that cultural prejudices and prejudices against women are deep-rooted. Chukwu-Okoronkwo (2015:71) referred to the prejudices surrounding widowhood practices that have consistently impinged on the dignity and rights of women in different cultures in Africa. Throughout the years, some scholars have viewed African mourning rituals as dehumanising. In the Western tradition, someone who has lost her husband is called a widow; in the African tradition, she is seen as a widow in need of protection while she mourns for her husband. To affirm this, Daber (2003:30) says that widows are regarded as tainted and having bad luck, and all patterns of avoidance are done to protect others from being ‘touched’ by death. In Ghana, the ritual cleansing of widows may entail sexual intercourse with designated individuals, which could be a stranger met on the road. This is done to keep the sexual organs of the widow or widower from being impaired. When a man loses his wife, he does not go through the cleansing of having strong women identified to have sex with him to purify him.

Daber (2003:31) asserts that in most cultures, widowhood is associated more with women, and there is hardly any attempt to view men as being affected by the rites of widowhood. According to Khosa-Nkatini et al. (2020:5), these mourning rituals are performed only by widows, and it can be argued that they are oppressive to women. Some women choose to do all the mourning rituals because it is expected of them. Senn (2016:91) argues that humans engage in the process of ritualisation. They act out both values and their belief in the ritual act. The rituals designed for a certain tribe or culture are influenced by that group’s beliefs and values and might not always make sense to those outside that group. Sometimes these rituals are practices not based on the participant’s beliefs and values, but rather on those of their family or passed down from generation to generation.

Patriarchy and mourning

For Durojaye (2013:2), culture greatly contributed to discrimination among women; this is because of cultural practices such as female genital mutilation and/or cutting, widow cleansing, son preference and others, which are not only demeaning to women but also perpetuate gender inequality. These practices are still a concern in African countries where men and women are treated differently in the name of culture, and in the process, women are discriminated against. Okin (1998:32) suggests that we need to examine specific human rights that can help women in cultural practices. When those rights are identified, they should be used as an act and a method to stop gender-related wrongs. Okin (1998:36) further argues that this is not just a concern for a specific country, but that in many countries, a woman’s most dangerous environment is not always on the streets but in the home she lives in. For one to promote women’s rights, which are part of human rights, one must be prepared to be involved in making a change in areas of life usually considered to be private.

Idialu (2012:9) gave a few examples of practices he has found to be dehumanising that African women had to undergo as widows:

They were made to drink water used to wash the deceased husband’s body, and they were also made to sleep with the corpse of their husband. In some cases, across the world, widows are blamed and accused of being witches who killed their husbands; they are considered bad omens, and some widows’ assets are disposed of, including their households, and they are left homeless.

George (2012:188) defines widows as married women who have lost their spouses, whether they have children. In a similar vein, widowhood is defined as the loss of a life partner – someone with whom the widow had a future – and includes the death of a spouse, friend, often the principal source of income, and frequently the widow’s main source of support. For many women, becoming a widow is an important life event, and it will remain so for many more. In addition to emotional grief, most African widows must deal with the terrible reality of being tortured and humiliated by their in-laws when their husbands pass away.

Burial and mourning practices serve several purposes, including honouring the deceased, protecting the widow from demonic attacks, and inspiring the living to perform good deeds, according to Ewelukwa (2002:444). According to Keene and Reder in Yawa (2010:22), grieving is an individual’s response to the loss of a loved one or something cherished. Koka continues by saying that death connects the past, present, and future. Even while some societies have established rituals and rites, grieving is still a profoundly personal experience.

The living conduct customary rites and ceremonies during burial, which could be considered a form of theatre, to appease the departed and secure the future. Akol (2011:6) asserts that mourning traditions affect women more than men worldwide. In many African societies, widows are expected to openly grieve for their departed husbands as a symbol of sadness and purity. However, it is culturally expected of African men to remain strong; men who have lost their marriages are not permitted to show such anguish. If a widow does not mourn for her husband, she could be accused of either contributing to his death or being relieved that he is no longer with her. However, when a man weeps for his wife, it is often seen as a sign of weakness.

Rites of passage

Ritual criticism is an essential step in the study of rituals, according to Grimes (2010:6). It is predicated on the human understanding that ceremonies are ultimately human-made, flawed and vulnerable to political manipulation, even though they are occasionally thought to be revealed by the gods. Sacred ceremonies, however, are also thought to transcend common human comprehension and are thus always being assessed. Because they were created by humans, rituals intended for African widows are subject to criticism. Setsiba (2012:20) claims that community members participate in these rites to help the bereaved reintegrate into society by aiding in the expulsion of evil spirits. In many communities, the loss of a loved one is a universal experience that is impacted and mediated by cultural and religious traditions. According to Maloka (1998), this includes spiritual activities, fundamental beliefs and rituals, and specific behavioural demands that will be symbolic of grieving. Grimes (2010:13) asserts that ritual criticism is applied to laypeople, clergy and theologians, as well as to religious people. Social scientists also use the appraisal task, even if anthropology rejects it.

‘During a Rite of passage, a person is in a state of transition, which they are moving from one clearly defined phase of life to another clearly defined one’, according to Turner (1969:94).

According to Van Gennep (1960), rites of passage share three characteristics: inclusion, separation, and transition (liminality). The term ‘separation’ describes a person’s disengagement from their regular, everyday activities. Uncertainty and mystery are hallmarks of the liminality phase, which frequently results in anxiety. Lastly, integration is the stage in which rituals are conducted to deal with and control the emotional experiences connected to the rite’s final phase (Van Gennep 1960). Lukken (2005:35) asserts that the term ‘ritual’ as a label for a broad phenomenon is relatively new. The Encyclopaedia Britannica does not contain the word ‘ritual’ until the middle of the 18th century (first edition 1771). There, it is referred to as the book that contains religious services or the prescribed order in which they should be performed. Here, ritual was described as a kind of symbolic behaviour that one finds in all religions, even nonreligious ones, rather than as a book that outlined the norms of liturgy.

According to Lukken (2005:127), the rites of passage include ceremonies associated with the passage from one stage of life to another, such as the birth of a child, the start of a course of study, the first love, engagement, marriage, the novitiate, joining a religious order, ordination, the start of a significant journey, farewell, old age or burial. In African culture, some rituals are significant to both the living and the deceased during the transition from death to the realm of the ancestors. If these customs are not followed, it is thought that the deceased’s spirit will remain among the dead and bring misfortune to the widow and the rest of the family.

African widows and religious praxis

Mourning practices have always been a part of African culture. Where did it all start, and how do these widows feel when participating in these historical ceremonies? Cultural perspectives on how to grieve over a loved one vary. Akol (2011:6) asserts that mourning traditions affect women more than men worldwide. African widows typically show their grief and innocence by crying for their departed spouse. It is expected of men who have lost their wives to act oppositely.

They are supposed to be tough and not cry because they are African men. If a widow is not seen crying for her husband, she is accused of either contributing to his death or being pleased that he is no longer with her. In contrast, when a man weeps for his wife, it is considered a sign of weakness. Most ministers lack the training required to offer pastoral care and support to women who have lost their relationships, according to Kapuma (2011:1). She continues, ‘Some people don’t even know how or where to start when it comes to challenging cultural customs that discriminate against widows, like mourning rituals’ (2001:1).

Magudu (2004) states that because social events like weddings, funerals, parties and church services are thought to be tainted, widows are prohibited from attending or contributing to them. They do not even come up to receive Holy Communion, sing or say hello to anyone. In most African tribes, widows are easily recognised by their black or blue clothing. In their study of Batswana widowhood, Manyedi et al. (2003) quote a widow as saying:

The in-laws can frustrate you; they have a lot to say according to our belief the Blacks, when the husband dies the wife has contributed, but when the wife dies no, it’s normal. (p. 78)

Ewelukwa (2002:440) asserts that a widow’s life is often largely dependent on the decisions of others, especially men. This dynamic creates tension between Christian and African cultural perspectives. A key challenge for researchers is to present a critical analysis without privileging one viewpoint over the other or imposing personal beliefs about what is right or wrong. Matsaneng (2009:11) notes that women wearing mourning garments face restrictions under traditional laws that limit their presence in public spaces, including churches. In some churches, these women may even be denied access to communion or the opportunity to sit in the front seats. For Streib (2007:125), ritual is the primary expression of religious praxis. In that regard, it has consistently provided normative importance for faith reflection. According to Streib (2007:127), the main objective of liturgical studies is to restore the meaning of ritual behaviour. Bonhoeffer (2001:47) asserts that praxis is only reflective in action and should not simply aim to accomplish goals to support the validity of both in the context of its guiding vision. Praxis is a virtual component that is rife with theories. It is not merely contemplative action, but contemplative action that is imbued with conviction. The task of Practical Theology is therefore not to replace biblical teaching with culture, but to facilitate critical theological reflection on how Christian faith is lived within particular cultural contexts. In addressing detrimental widowhood practices, this study draws on the biblical values of justice, love, compassion and human dignity as fundamental theological underpinnings to critically identify behaviours that affect or jeopardise widows’ well-being.

Practical theological responses to widowhood-related impairment

When it comes to resolving the various forms of social, cultural and religious impairment widows encounter when their husbands pass away, practical theology is crucial. Practical theology can help through pastoral care, theological thought, and the creation of interventions that are suited for the situation rather than merely explaining widowhood customs. Pastoral carers can establish safe spaces where widows can talk about their experiences, work through their grief, and critically interact with cultural and religious norms that could lead to their marginalisation.

By critically analysing religious interpretations that normalise or justify actions that compromise widows’ dignity and their ability to participate in society, practical theology can make an additional contribution. This necessitates a shift away from pastoral solutions that merely support widows in enduring their situations and towards strategies that recognise their agency, dignity and well-being. Therefore, while being mindful of the cultural relevance of mourning customs, churches can create pastoral programmes that offer emotional and spiritual support, encourage community discussion and confront damaging interpretations of widowhood. At the institutional level, Practical Theology can help churches, traditional communities, and other pertinent stakeholders engage in dialogue to identify practices that can be kept as significant manifestations of cultural identity while reevaluating those that exclude, humiliate or impair widows. This method does not need a complete rejection of African widowhood customs; rather, it calls for critical theological engagement that makes a distinction between customs that uphold widows’ dignity and well-being and those that provide social support.

Conclusion

For most people, losing a relationship is a devastating experience that is better imagined than experienced. When widows experience unimaginable suffering and mistreatment from their in-laws and society at large, it is dehumanising. The way they are abused by those who are meant to look after them might make the situation even worse. Individuals still go through grief processes, even though a tribe may have a set of customs and ceremonies. Burial, on the other hand, can be thought of as a theatre in which the living perform old burial rites and ceremonies to appease the dead and secure the future. The caretaker (minister of the Word) may not always be aware of the terrible experience widows may have in their cultural customs and the expectations of the community. Caregivers may find guidance in an inculturated ritual for widows during the grieving process. Emotional trauma is not the only example of these cultural behaviours. These customs can occasionally inflict physical injury on the widow (sexual cleansing ritual) and financial harm (funeral expenses and gravestone unveiling).

Baloyi (2014:4) argues that although widows’ mourning customs have been a part of most African traditions and have long been seen as an ‘integral’ part of the lives of most African women, this does not imply that they have control over everyone’s life; it is not an unquestionable gift from God. Thus, this study contends that while theology focuses on religious issues, it cannot overlook other factors that involve an individual’s beliefs and activities, in this case, African widow cultural ceremonial practices.

Acknowledgement

The author would like to acknowledge their PhD supervisors at the University of Pretoria, Prof. Cas Wepener and Prof. E. Meyer. This article includes content that overlaps with research originally conducted as part of Hundzukani P. Khosa’s doctoral thesis titled ‘Liturgical inculturation of Tsonga widows’ mourning rituals’, submitted to the Department of Practical Theology, Faculty of Theology and Religion in 2019. The thesis was supervised by J. Wepener and E.E. Meyer. Portions of the data, analysis and discussion have been revised, updated and adapted for publication as a journal article. The original thesis is publicly available at: http://hdl.handle.net/2263/75256. The author affirms that this article complies with ethical standards for secondary publication and that appropriate acknowledgement has been given to the original work.

The author reported that they received funding from the National Research Foundation, which may be affected by the research reported in the enclosed publication. The author has disclosed those interests fully and has implemented an approved plan for managing any potential conflicts arising from their involvement. The terms of these funding arrangements have been reviewed and approved by the affiliated university in accordance with its policy on objectivity in research.

Hundzukani P. Khosa: Conceptualisation, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Resources, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. The author confirms that this work is entirely their own, has reviewed the article, approved the final version for submission and publication, and takes full responsibility for the integrity of its findings.

Ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the North-West University Theology Research Ethics Committee (No.NWU-01321-26-A6).

This work is based on the research supported by the National Research Foundation (NRF) of South Africa (ref. number CSRP23031081826).

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, Hundzukani P. Khosa, upon reasonable request.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and are the product of professional research. They do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated institution, funder, agency or that of the publisher. The author is responsible for this article’s results, findings and content.

References