As a word, nhimbe involves a happy moment people enjoy when they work together, especially as a community, family or friends. It implies agreement, a bonding over something, a meeting of minds and a sign of oneness. It is a Shona traditional concept that runs deep in their culture. As Mawere and Awuah-Nyamekye (2015:12) state, ‘[t]he word nhimbe comes from the Zimbabwean Shona language and culture’. It has a plethora of interpretations depending on the region and cultural practice. It can be loosely translated as community collaboration. Nhimbe creates a life spectrum of an atmosphere of enjoying and enjoining friendship and familial sentiments. According to some scholars like Ngara (2013), nhimbe is a traditional cooperation in the execution of household chores from agricultural to construction work. This is in agreement with Murisa (2013:251–290) who posits that the practice was developed within a family structure of social organisation where members of the same lineage group became organised into labour teams for ploughing, planting, weeding and other related field duties. Bourdillon (1976:74) concurs with this line of thought when he states, ‘[l]arger groups of kin may cooperate for larger tasks such as ploughing or reaping’. This practice is usually practised in rural communal areas. This practice strengthens the sense of belonging within the communities (Murisa 2013:251–290). Generally, nhimbe refers to residents in a community working together to help each other in daily life. Thus, a family can hire labour from neighbours. As Bourdillon (1976) puts it, nhimbe is:

It is a practice that is known by different names amongst Shona ethnic groups. Some communities call it nhimbe, whilst others refer to it as humwe, jangano or jakwara. According to Tavuyanago, Mutami and Mbenene (2010:1–8), nhimbe is synonymous with jakwara or jangano. However, there is a thin line between nhimbe and jakwara or jangano. Mostly nhimbe is viewed as a beer party centred on work. Mawere and Awuah-Nyamekye (2015) contend that nhimbe is a Shona word, meaning ‘to help one another’. In addition, the word nhimbe is embedded in the Shona cultural and anthropological belief system. It entails that people come and work together in order to achieve a common goal (Mawere & Awuah-Nyamekye 2015:12). It is a socio-economic practice that is undertaken during ploughing, weeding and harvesting periods.

However, nhimbe is not limited to these. There are other forms of nhimbe that are realised at rituals and ceremonies that include marriage and funeral. For marriage, it is usually a practice amongst the Shona that roora rinoitwa muonera pamwe [marriage is a communal event] through kupemberera. Members of the same family make contributions in cash or kind when one of them pays lobola [bridal price]. The communal element is realised in that a sahwira [family friend] is called to play a mediatory role between the groom’s and bride’s families during the negotiating process of the lobola.

Furthermore, the nhimbe practice is realised at funeral rites of passage. When a member of a community dies, community members contribute by providing various forms of help from the moment of a member’s death to the burial. The community pays chema [bereavement fund], collects mealie-meal and relish as a way of showing solidarity and oneness. Men will help erect a musasa [temporary shelter] and help dig the grave. Collaborative ministry is therefore realised amongst the Shona of Zimbabwe.

Generally, nhimbe entails people working together towards a common goal. It enables people from different villages to work together to uplift the condition of another person. As a result, it cuts down labour costs by enhancing efficiency and effectiveness. It has a powerful social effect through its interactive nature. Cooperation in a community is a prerequisite for the common good. Hence, it promotes the fundamental right of an individual. It is worth noting that this is still being practised in most areas within the Masvingo and Midlands provinces. Because of the scourge of human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (HIV and AIDS) and massive exodus of energetic youth force to South Africa, neighbouring countries and elsewhere around the globe, nhimbe is a strategy of mobilising labour forces in social, economic and political activities. In other words, nhimbe provides villagers with labour force. It actually prompts relatives and neighbours from other villages to participate in the farming and social activities which rotate in a special area from one field to another (Daneel 1971:35). As such, ‘[e]ven for those who have sufficient means to become economically independent, the nhimbe parties remain of great importance’ (Daneel 1971:35).

The gist of nhimbe is that the community collaborates collectively in economic, religious, social and political activities. It can be celebrated with a meal, beer or mild beer (maheu or muchaiwa). This is in contrast to the view of Gukurume (2013), Mudavanhu and Chitsika (2013) and Wrolson (2009:1–129) who hold the view that nhimbe is only a beer party. The beer for nhimbe is announced to the public in advance. Daneel (1971:35) says, ‘[a]s such it is an integral part of Shona social life but with distinctly economic implications’. In other words, nhimbe is a way of disaster risk management strategies amongst the Shona. Beer is a promise of economic and social interdependence of farmers who rely mostly on subsistence farming. Nhimbe becomes a certain way of getting communal assistance. In the following sections, the authors briefly explain the concepts of jakwara and jangano which are closely linked to nhimbe.

The nhimbe concept has other Shona equivalents. Differences are either dialectical or occasional.² According to Tavuyanago, Mutami and Mbenene (2010:6), ‘work parties were of two different, but closely related forms’.

In dealing with this topic, it is noted that nhimbe has its equivalents around Africa. There are hybrid terms that are akin to it. Examples are: Ujamaa of Julius Kambarage Nyerere and Harambee of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta.

There are several ways of practising nhimbe. The traditional procedure for nhimbe is that the host seeks permission or simply informs the village head or headman of his or her intentions, date and venue to have a nhimbe. This will entail the nature of work to be done. The duration of notice depends on the community; some can notify a week before, whilst others can do it 1 month or 2 weeks before the day of doing the work. As Dhodho (2015:51) observes, ‘[i]nvitations are also send [sic] out to various village-heads and even the local Headman so that he/she also graces the ceremony’. On the very day of nhimbe, people arrive early in the morning so that they can start working whilst it is cool. All the participants bring their different expertise. These involve collective agricultural activities such as sowing, ploughing, weeding and reaping (Daneel 1971:34). Although a family can work on the land allocated to it, but whenever it is overwhelmed by labour, a nhimbe is organised. During the harvesting period, there is usually nhimbe of cutting zviyo [red millet], sorghum and rapoko in most villages. It is a celebration of nhimbe that brings people together where they work as a community. Almost everyone from around the village comes along to the nhimbe with a knife or a basket to place the millet.

Nhimbe becomes a community ownership. It is a community development and empowerment approach. This is because a community works together. People work together and share proceeds. However, this also should be enhanced with new technical methods of communal empowerment that come with donors and local government. People can work together because of their locality and sense of belonging. As Nzenza (2017:n.p.) states, ‘[w]e could work together in one big group because we are a community with the same beliefs and values of hard work’.

It is a system whereby one individual calls those within the same community to come and help him or her to sow, plough, weed or harvest. But nhimbe can also include moulding bricks, thatching, fencing and digging and spreading manure in the fields. Hence, Nzenza writes, at nhimbe ‘[e]ach person brought a working tool and the owner of nhimbe provided food and drink’. Normally on this occasion, people enjoy the privilege of eating meat and drinking which are difficult to get in rural areas.

The widows, orphans and the aged without labour and source of income would benefit from nhimbe and the chief benefits immensely. Nhimbe would assist the poor in the society. As Mawere and Awuah-Nyamekye (2015) argue:

The Shona community catered for the less privileged through nhimbe. This was a social security mechanism to support the landless, orphans, the old and widows. For agricultural purposes, nhimbe is called at the beginning of the rainy season. People assist others with ploughing and weeding the fields. However, ‘[t]he heavy work on the fields must be done by men’ (Bourdillon 1976:73). The heavy work includes clearing of a field, cutting small trees, digging manure and moulding bricks. But, women can also partake in planting, weeding, reaping and threshing. Generally, women do not take up strenuous tasks. This attracts people from the whole community who come with working tools. Even people without any of the required tools just come and assist those with them. As Dhodho (2015:50) states, ‘[t]hese activities are characterized by equal partnership and task-orientation; no one looks at the sophistication of another’s equipment, all is required is execution of the task at hand’. Thus, no one can fail to provide something. A person without cattle, plough or hoe can provide an axe to cut down trees or even relieve the old men. This means that any failure to cooperate during this period renders one a social misfit. Amongst the Shona, such a person is dead. In addition, participation in the nhimbe system is a matter of social urgency because anyone who for one reason or another keeps himself or herself and the family away from this activity is cut off from communal life.

Just in the same thought of Nzenza, on the day of nhimbe, men and women start very early in the morning to do work like ploughing in the fields, harvesting, digging manure, moulding bricks or fencing. When it is around 10:00 or 11:00, people are served with something to drink. After working for about almost 3 h, people go for a short break called chikumura mambhachi. The participants are served with breakfast which is usually in the form of light beer (muchaiwa) or mageu. In this contemporary period, people can have tea, home-made bread (chimupoto chwai), sweet potatoes or maize. This is called chikumura mabhachi or chirovamatsa [traditional tea break]. It is presumed that people have worked and need to be re-energised. Mostly, young people either drink something non-alcoholic but elders can take a sizeable quantity of beer. The moral principle is that people should not get drunk early until they finish the work to be done.

But later people can drink to their fill in order for them to work harder. After breakfast, people are expected to work again before they are served with lunch (Dhodho 2015:52). Lunch is usually served with sadza, rice, meat and traditional beer. If the host can afford other luxuries, he or she can give out to the participants. Beer is served at intervals. Dhodho (2015:52) states, ‘[i]t is after beer has been served that participants can start singing relevant songs’. Some of the songs teach or reprimand immoral behaviour. Chiwome (1992) and Wrolson (2009) add that such songs and their messages could not be repeated in any other social setting and neither could that be taken to implicate any person involved in immoral activities. This is confirmed by Mudavanhu and Chitsika (2013) who argue that as people work they are served with beer. This makes them work the whole day without realising the amount of time they have spent working. This is affirmed by Daneel (1971) who argues:

Hence, beer brewed for nhimbe is a symbol of economic and social interdependence. It is a reliable way of obtaining the required assistance at the rightful moment. This is why a person who wilfully fails to participate in nhimbe is considered a social misfit.

In other instances, people eat and drink at lunchtime. When people get drunk, they even ask for more work to be done. When people are excited, this is accompanied by dancing and singing. Wrolson (2009) argues that traditionally participants are urged to sing out any immoral denunciations but they should not show anger against anyone. As people work, they sing so that they are motivated to work and complete the task easily. ‘The songs also assisted to synchronize the movement of whatever tools so that participants kept the same tempo and pace’ (Dhodho 2015:51). This can go on until evening. Some people would have their supper and sleep at the same place. It is an occasion of celebrating good community work. The nhimbe becomes an occasion for people to meet and discuss. It is therefore understandable that membership of Christian church that strictly forbids any form of beer drinking would, if taken seriously by a villager, have far-reaching social and economic implications for itself. There is a mistaken notion amongst some believers that nhimbe beer is associated with ancestral spirits and evil deeds. In order to avoid economic implications, these types of churches have allowed their members to prepare mangisi [unmalted sweet beer] so that they can get labour force. But sometimes this can make people get drunk if it has been kept for a long time before it is drunk. At times, elders do not go to such a nhimbe and send youngsters. In addition, another nhimbe would be announced before people depart.

Nhimbe is organised in such a way that it does not collide with the traditional Sabbath (chisi) or Sunday. Usually, these two days are reserved for people to pray and attend meetings. Thus, people honour the ancestors and God so that they continue to receive good rains and enjoy good harvest. This is the common practice since most people have become Christians.

After harvesting, people engage in the form of nhimbe called jakwara. This is done during the dry season. It is when people perform threshing and winnowing rapoko, millet or sorghum. (Jangano: Taking turns to look after livestock) Nzenza (2017:n.p.) opines, ‘[d]uring the jakwara ceremony, the vakuwasha or sons-in-law, went out into the bush to find thin long sticks, mupuro from the mutondo trees’. However, these can also be cut from any tree depending on the locality or availability of trees. But there are some sacred trees that cannot be cut or pruned. On this occasion, women bring winnowing baskets. All the millet or sorghum is placed on the flat hard rock wherein they are thrashed either by cattle or later finished by men. Women support men by ululating and singing to thrash thoroughly. Nzenza (2017) stipulates that some village secrets are shared through the medium of the song.

Based on the above sensitivity, children are not allowed to attend jakwara. This is because adults see this occasion as the forum to voice out old grievances. They tell some secrets and make sexual references to an incident of adultery. Jakwara is a moral occasion to reprimand one another. According to Nzenza (2017:n.p.), ‘[t]he adults danced, laughed and spoke with much laughter’. Like a seal of confession, the secrets shared remain at jakwara. Thus, to share something of jakwara is tantamount to being immoral and the person even deserves to be severely punished or excommunicated from society.